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My daughter， who stud- ies at Waseda University in Japan， often asks me，“The Japanese people I know are very friendly and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is very popular in his country， but why does China so often criticize Japan as having right-wing tendencies？” Shigeru Ishiba， secretary-general of the Liberal Democratic Party （LDP） who formerly served as Japan’s Minister of Defense， asked me during a Sino-Japanese think tank forum， “Since the end of World War II， Japan has remained peaceful， so why does China think Japan wants to revive militarism？” Soichiro Tahara， a famous Japanese TV host， also asked me， “The Sino-Japanese relationship was stabilized after so many ups and downs， so why has it begun to deteriorate now？”
However， Japan’s rightist swerve is not due to what China says， but from what Japan has done. Twenty-five years ago， when I was working in Osaka， Japanese right-wing extremists often caused trouble in front of the Chinese Consulate in Osaka. Then， as director of the General Office of the Consulate-General， I had to discuss the matter with the local government and police department， and even talk to the Japanese right-wing leaders. But at that time， they were basically non-violent， and people saw them as alternative voices which could be easily isolated. However， activities of right-wing extremists have become more rampant and violent today， from shouting to smashing gates and breaking into the consulate and even to throwing Molotov cocktails. Recently， many Japanese citizens have joined provocative activities organized by right-wing groups. I wonder whether it is due to right-wingers’ claims –to gain more sympathy and support – or the Japanese people’s need for any opportunity to relieve the pressure of the long-time economic depression.
Note the Japanese media. I dealt with them for more than a decade when I worked in Japan. Forget right-wing newspaper Sankei Shimbun – even avowed“neutral and impartial” outlets such as Yomiuri Shimbun and NHK have begun to publish extremely provocative remarks and provide platforms for right-wing politicians and scholars to disseminate extremist opinions. Even a right-leaning reporter I know said he was criticized by his colleagues as an old-fashioned China supporter.
The questionable behavior of Japanese politicians has evolved from remarks in discussion to visits to the Yasukuni Shrine. In the past， Japanese leaders who caused diplomatic disputes due to questionable behavior would resign. Now， they use these opportunities to gain support. Look at the textbooks. Despite increasing criticism from the international community， more and more Japanese schools use textbooks that conceal and even glorify the war crimes that the country committed. If a nation takes pride in its right-wing groups， right-wing prime minister， right-wing media， and right-wing textbooks， how can the nation head anywhere but right？ As for whether Japan is reviving militarism， I don’t want to elaborate on Japan’s recent aggressive military and security activities. Rather， I will recount an example I mentioned on a TV debate. I once supported a young Chinese director who spent 10 years making the documentary film Yasukuni in Japan. Later， I wrote the preface for his book of the same title. The book was very popular in China， and his film won an international documentary award although it faced suppression when it was screened in Japan. The documentary’s success isn’t about what it revealed or criticized， but lies in its thought-provoking facts related to the Yasukuni Shrine. A young Japanese spectator told me that he had never been to the shrine and didn’t understand why China and South Korea never let go of the issue， but after watching the documentary， he felt deep shame and feared war， especially after seeing scenes of Japanese politician Shintaro Ishihara behaving hysterically， Japanese military veterans noisily clamoring for war at the Yasukuni Shrine， and commentary in the Yushukan （a military and war museum at the Yasukuni Shrine） confusing right and wrong. “No wonder foreigners can’t understand us，” he remarked. “Even some Japanese people cannot accept [the behavior of right-wing groups].” He hoped that Japanese politicians intending to visit the Yasukuni Shrine would watch the film.
In the five years I worked as a spokesman at the Chinese embassy in Japan， former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited the Yasukuni Shrine six times. Since 1978 when 14 Class A war criminals were enshrined here， the shrine has been a controversial place that Japanese politicians， especially prime ministers， should not visit. Even relatives of some war criminals don’t want politicians to visit the shrine for their own gains. A Chinese proverb goes “a snake bite can cause fear of a rope.” In view of Japan’s history as an invader and what Japanese leaders are now doing， it’s hard to believe that a right-wing prime minister with a problematic view of history visited the Yasukuni Shrine to pray for peace. In addition to the Japanese government’s recent moves to revise its pacifist constitution and pass a controversial secrecy bill， it’s no surprise that the victims of Japan’s aggression are worried about the revival of militarism in Japan.
As for Soichiro Tahara’s question， I would like to say that the Sino-Japanese relationship will develop only on a solid political foundation based on the emotional bond and shared interests of the two na- tions. But now， the political foundation has been ruined by some Japanese politicians including the Prime Minister， and emotional bonds are strained and can even be torn apart. In this situation， how can the two countries share common interests？ We don’t worry about small disputes between China and Japan， but hope no one purposefully starts trouble， especially on issues relating to China’s core interests and the political basis of Sino-Japanese ties. On December 26， 2012， soon after Abe came to power， I published articles in the Japanese-language magazine People’s China and Chinese newspaper Global Times， predicting that his administration could open a Pandora’s Box. A year later， his visit to the Yasukuni Shrine proved my worries valid. In my articles， I suggested Abe not take risks on territorial issues， not go all-in to visit the Yasukuni Shrine， and not sacrifice its relations with neighbors while only nurturing ties to the United States. Of course， I knew Abe would not accept my advice， though he did ask someone to inform me that he read my articles. However， he should at least listen to the voices from Japan and the international community and think about the future of the Japanese people. As another Chinese proverb says， one should not “smash a pot to pieces just because it’s cracked.”
I have a question for Abe： When you visited the Yasukuni Shrine as prime minster， you not only violated international law and Japan’s principle of separating politics from religion， but damaged Japan’s image in China and South Korea. Don’t you care about those consequences？ How can a Japan with a far-right prime minister convince the international community that it can play a positive role on the international stage？
However， Japan’s rightist swerve is not due to what China says， but from what Japan has done. Twenty-five years ago， when I was working in Osaka， Japanese right-wing extremists often caused trouble in front of the Chinese Consulate in Osaka. Then， as director of the General Office of the Consulate-General， I had to discuss the matter with the local government and police department， and even talk to the Japanese right-wing leaders. But at that time， they were basically non-violent， and people saw them as alternative voices which could be easily isolated. However， activities of right-wing extremists have become more rampant and violent today， from shouting to smashing gates and breaking into the consulate and even to throwing Molotov cocktails. Recently， many Japanese citizens have joined provocative activities organized by right-wing groups. I wonder whether it is due to right-wingers’ claims –to gain more sympathy and support – or the Japanese people’s need for any opportunity to relieve the pressure of the long-time economic depression.
Note the Japanese media. I dealt with them for more than a decade when I worked in Japan. Forget right-wing newspaper Sankei Shimbun – even avowed“neutral and impartial” outlets such as Yomiuri Shimbun and NHK have begun to publish extremely provocative remarks and provide platforms for right-wing politicians and scholars to disseminate extremist opinions. Even a right-leaning reporter I know said he was criticized by his colleagues as an old-fashioned China supporter.
The questionable behavior of Japanese politicians has evolved from remarks in discussion to visits to the Yasukuni Shrine. In the past， Japanese leaders who caused diplomatic disputes due to questionable behavior would resign. Now， they use these opportunities to gain support. Look at the textbooks. Despite increasing criticism from the international community， more and more Japanese schools use textbooks that conceal and even glorify the war crimes that the country committed. If a nation takes pride in its right-wing groups， right-wing prime minister， right-wing media， and right-wing textbooks， how can the nation head anywhere but right？ As for whether Japan is reviving militarism， I don’t want to elaborate on Japan’s recent aggressive military and security activities. Rather， I will recount an example I mentioned on a TV debate. I once supported a young Chinese director who spent 10 years making the documentary film Yasukuni in Japan. Later， I wrote the preface for his book of the same title. The book was very popular in China， and his film won an international documentary award although it faced suppression when it was screened in Japan. The documentary’s success isn’t about what it revealed or criticized， but lies in its thought-provoking facts related to the Yasukuni Shrine. A young Japanese spectator told me that he had never been to the shrine and didn’t understand why China and South Korea never let go of the issue， but after watching the documentary， he felt deep shame and feared war， especially after seeing scenes of Japanese politician Shintaro Ishihara behaving hysterically， Japanese military veterans noisily clamoring for war at the Yasukuni Shrine， and commentary in the Yushukan （a military and war museum at the Yasukuni Shrine） confusing right and wrong. “No wonder foreigners can’t understand us，” he remarked. “Even some Japanese people cannot accept [the behavior of right-wing groups].” He hoped that Japanese politicians intending to visit the Yasukuni Shrine would watch the film.
In the five years I worked as a spokesman at the Chinese embassy in Japan， former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited the Yasukuni Shrine six times. Since 1978 when 14 Class A war criminals were enshrined here， the shrine has been a controversial place that Japanese politicians， especially prime ministers， should not visit. Even relatives of some war criminals don’t want politicians to visit the shrine for their own gains. A Chinese proverb goes “a snake bite can cause fear of a rope.” In view of Japan’s history as an invader and what Japanese leaders are now doing， it’s hard to believe that a right-wing prime minister with a problematic view of history visited the Yasukuni Shrine to pray for peace. In addition to the Japanese government’s recent moves to revise its pacifist constitution and pass a controversial secrecy bill， it’s no surprise that the victims of Japan’s aggression are worried about the revival of militarism in Japan.
As for Soichiro Tahara’s question， I would like to say that the Sino-Japanese relationship will develop only on a solid political foundation based on the emotional bond and shared interests of the two na- tions. But now， the political foundation has been ruined by some Japanese politicians including the Prime Minister， and emotional bonds are strained and can even be torn apart. In this situation， how can the two countries share common interests？ We don’t worry about small disputes between China and Japan， but hope no one purposefully starts trouble， especially on issues relating to China’s core interests and the political basis of Sino-Japanese ties. On December 26， 2012， soon after Abe came to power， I published articles in the Japanese-language magazine People’s China and Chinese newspaper Global Times， predicting that his administration could open a Pandora’s Box. A year later， his visit to the Yasukuni Shrine proved my worries valid. In my articles， I suggested Abe not take risks on territorial issues， not go all-in to visit the Yasukuni Shrine， and not sacrifice its relations with neighbors while only nurturing ties to the United States. Of course， I knew Abe would not accept my advice， though he did ask someone to inform me that he read my articles. However， he should at least listen to the voices from Japan and the international community and think about the future of the Japanese people. As another Chinese proverb says， one should not “smash a pot to pieces just because it’s cracked.”
I have a question for Abe： When you visited the Yasukuni Shrine as prime minster， you not only violated international law and Japan’s principle of separating politics from religion， but damaged Japan’s image in China and South Korea. Don’t you care about those consequences？ How can a Japan with a far-right prime minister convince the international community that it can play a positive role on the international stage？