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ON February 27， the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress passed a decision on ratifying two memorial days – September 3 to commemorate the victory of Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression， and December 13 to honor victims of the Nanjing Massacre. Japan’s response was predictable. Although it didn’t brazenly slander China， it described adding these events to the calendar as “suspicious.”
Opinions in the wider international community are that China is justified in designating these memorial days. China’s next step is to promote and make them rank among the most significant memorial days of World War II.
For a long time， Chinese World War II commemorations had limited global impact. It was felt that Western discourse about the war either skimped on the details or ignored the Chinese war zone completely. Worldwide， people often regard Hitler’s attack on Poland in September 1939 as the outbreak of World War II； Chinese history books are no exception in this respect. Consequently， few people outside Asia know about the July 7 Incident of 1937 that marked the beginning of Japan’s fullscale aggression against China.
On big World War II anniversaries， many large-scale， world-influential activities are held in West Europe and Russia. But in China， similar events rarely reach such scale. Besides Auschwitz， there are numerous other well-known places throughout Europe that serve as memorials for victims of the war. From the site of the Normandy landings to the hiding place of Anne Frank， many World War II sites receive a constant stream of visitors. In China， similar commemorative locations are far less well known.
The reason why the Japanese government arrogantly denies and distorts its history of aggression is partly due to the vague impression Western society has of the Chinese theater of war. When talking about the Asia-Pacific battlefield， the first thing that comes to people’s mind is Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor that led to the Pacific War. But for China’s contribution and the atrocities Japan committed in China， many people are not well informed.
In fact， the Chinese army made a considerable contribution to the Allies’ victory. The frontlines and the battlefield behind enemy lines became a quagmire for the Japanese army and pinned down Japanese troops in China. Stalin would not otherwise have taken the risk of mobilizing his principal troops， who were used to fighting in winter conditions， from the Far East to Moscow in 1941 during the most critical time for the Soviet Union. The outcome of the Battle of Moscow would otherwise have been much different. In fact， one can speculate that the course of the entire war would have changed. Furthermore， Southeast Asia and Australia could have been totally occupied by the Japanese， which would have cost the American army all its strongholds in Asia. The atrocities the Japanese army committed in China were unspeakable. The Nanjing Massacre almost wiped out residents of the old Chinese capital. This kind of abomination is unparalleled even compared with that on Germany or Italy’s battlefields. At that time China held a weak position in terms of world influence； our battles and sufferings were not broadcast in the West， and rarely documented in history books. But in today’s climate， it is inevitable that corrections are made.
China is one of the Allied states that made a unique contribution to the war effort and enormous sacrifices； in this regard it counts as one of the major victors. When the world comes to know this， not only will the history of World War II be complete， but the tens of millions of victims of the war will also find comfort in the world’s recognition of their suffering.
And only when the world develops a new understanding about the Chinese theater of war will Japan’s denial and furious attempts at provocation be strategically curtailed.
The establishment of the two memorial days in China is testament to China’s world status， the foundation of which was laid with the end of WWII， instead of being only a result of the enhanced national strength that China has witnessed in recent years. Chinese society should make efforts to promote the two memorial days as significant world events to win wide participation. China， apparently， has the power.
Opinions in the wider international community are that China is justified in designating these memorial days. China’s next step is to promote and make them rank among the most significant memorial days of World War II.
For a long time， Chinese World War II commemorations had limited global impact. It was felt that Western discourse about the war either skimped on the details or ignored the Chinese war zone completely. Worldwide， people often regard Hitler’s attack on Poland in September 1939 as the outbreak of World War II； Chinese history books are no exception in this respect. Consequently， few people outside Asia know about the July 7 Incident of 1937 that marked the beginning of Japan’s fullscale aggression against China.
On big World War II anniversaries， many large-scale， world-influential activities are held in West Europe and Russia. But in China， similar events rarely reach such scale. Besides Auschwitz， there are numerous other well-known places throughout Europe that serve as memorials for victims of the war. From the site of the Normandy landings to the hiding place of Anne Frank， many World War II sites receive a constant stream of visitors. In China， similar commemorative locations are far less well known.
The reason why the Japanese government arrogantly denies and distorts its history of aggression is partly due to the vague impression Western society has of the Chinese theater of war. When talking about the Asia-Pacific battlefield， the first thing that comes to people’s mind is Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor that led to the Pacific War. But for China’s contribution and the atrocities Japan committed in China， many people are not well informed.
In fact， the Chinese army made a considerable contribution to the Allies’ victory. The frontlines and the battlefield behind enemy lines became a quagmire for the Japanese army and pinned down Japanese troops in China. Stalin would not otherwise have taken the risk of mobilizing his principal troops， who were used to fighting in winter conditions， from the Far East to Moscow in 1941 during the most critical time for the Soviet Union. The outcome of the Battle of Moscow would otherwise have been much different. In fact， one can speculate that the course of the entire war would have changed. Furthermore， Southeast Asia and Australia could have been totally occupied by the Japanese， which would have cost the American army all its strongholds in Asia. The atrocities the Japanese army committed in China were unspeakable. The Nanjing Massacre almost wiped out residents of the old Chinese capital. This kind of abomination is unparalleled even compared with that on Germany or Italy’s battlefields. At that time China held a weak position in terms of world influence； our battles and sufferings were not broadcast in the West， and rarely documented in history books. But in today’s climate， it is inevitable that corrections are made.
China is one of the Allied states that made a unique contribution to the war effort and enormous sacrifices； in this regard it counts as one of the major victors. When the world comes to know this， not only will the history of World War II be complete， but the tens of millions of victims of the war will also find comfort in the world’s recognition of their suffering.
And only when the world develops a new understanding about the Chinese theater of war will Japan’s denial and furious attempts at provocation be strategically curtailed.
The establishment of the two memorial days in China is testament to China’s world status， the foundation of which was laid with the end of WWII， instead of being only a result of the enhanced national strength that China has witnessed in recent years. Chinese society should make efforts to promote the two memorial days as significant world events to win wide participation. China， apparently， has the power.