China’s efforts to root out corruption show no signs of slowing down. Authorities have dispatched 10 inspection teams to five provincial-level regions， a ministry， three state-owned enterprises， and a university， to supervise senior local officials and showcase China’s dedication to the fight against corruption， according to a June 3 statement by the office of the leading group for inspection work.
　　Visits by inspection teams will last around two months. The office publicized inspectors’ contact information to seek tip-offs from concerned citizens.
　　As part of the country’s intensified anticorruption efforts， the routine visits by inspection teams this year will specifically focus on uncovering corruption， according to a meeting to mobilize and train inspectors on May 17.
　　Liu Changmin， a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing， said that gauging officials’ integrity was one of the teams’ prescribed duties but only part of a broader focus.
　　“To my knowledge， the fight against corruption has never been emphasized so much in the work of the Party’s previous inspection teams，” she said.
　　Addressing the May 17 meeting， China’s top anti-graft official Wang Qishan said that inspectors should investigate practices such as trading power for money， abusing power for personal interest， bribery and work styles including formalism， bureaucracy， hedonism and extravagance.
　　They should also look for breaches of Party political disciplines and corruption related to officials’ selection and promotion， said Wang， who is secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection （CCDI） of the Communist Party of China（CPC）.
　　“Undoubtedly， by setting the corruption fight as a top priority for inspection teams this year， the Party wants to win more public support and increase the credibility of local authorities，” said Li Chengyan， Director of the Research Center for Clean Government Construction at Peking University.
　　 A decade of evolution
　　The central inspection system of China originated from 1996， when the CCDI was determined to send ministerial-level officials to inspect local administrations. The system was confirmed by the 16th CPC National Congress in 2002.
　　In 2003， the CPC established five teams to oversee performance of senior local officials. The move marked the official establishment of the system. Now there are 12 teams and inspections are formally mandated by the CPC Constitution. In 2010， even military organs became subject to such oversight. 　　Under the system， inspection bodies at various levels are required to supervise officials at lower levels. The State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council inspects and supervises state-owned enterprises.
　　This year， five of the Party’s 12 inspection teams have been dispatched to Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region， Chongqing Municipality， and Jiangxi， Guizhou， and Hubei provinces. Another five teams have targeted the Ministry of Water Resources， the Export-Import Bank of China， the China Grain Reserves Corp.， the China Publishing Group and Renmin University of China.
　　The inspection teams are tasked with conducting an examination of Party organizations at all levels of government， as well as state enterprises， following tips from the public， interviewing officials， and examining documents.
　　The teams will report to the task force overseeing their operations and offer feedback and suggestions to the agencies they inspect within 15 working days after their report is approved.
　　The Party organizations that are inspected will be required to file an improvement plan within 60 working days that will be based on the feedback and suggestions they receive， and submit a report on the results within a year after they submit the plan.
　　Some changes have also been made to in- spection teams this year， including a decree that the head of each team will be named before each operation.
　　Liang Musheng， a law professor at Wuhanbased Huazhong University of Science and Technology in Hubei Province， said that this particular change would prevent team leaders from forming personal relations with the agencies they inspect.
　　“The task-oriented designation will make team leadership positions temporary， which will guarantee the independence of the inspection teams，”Liang said.
　　 Raiding the rats
　　“Since their establishment， central inspection teams have focused on finding corruption committed by senior provincial and ministerial officials，” said Wang Yukai， a professor at the Chinese Academy of Governance.
　　Due to the inspectors’ efforts， many corrupt senior officials have been exposed and punished， including Chen Liangyu， former Shanghai Party chief implicated in a pension scandal involving 3.45 billion yuan （$561 million）. Chen was removed from office and arrested in 2006 and sentenced to 18 years in jail for bribe-taking and abuse of power in 2008.
　　“This year， inspection teams will also look into the assets of officials’ immediate family members，”said Wang， who also suggested breaking from the routine inspection model， as it would prevent agencies from preparing in advance or otherwise hindering inspections. 　　Inspection teams have released their contact information for their current operations， including phone numbers， e-mail addresses and post-office box addresses， to allow easier public access.
　　According to the CCDI， central inspection teams welcome people to report under their real names， but if whistleblowers refuse they will not insist.
　　Those who feel justice has eluded them seize the opportunity to follow inspection teams and voice their grievances. When an inspection team visited Shanghai in April 2011， hundreds of petitioners rallied outside the team’s office holding bed sheets scrawled with slogans spelling out their concerns. Despite the team’s inability to take on individual cases， it was able to pass on details of cases to related departments.
　　Rather than relying on tip-offs， inspection teams will often lure their “prey” by inviting officials suspected of corruption to discreet meetings.
　　“Private talks are one of the most important parts of our work，” Qi Peiwen， a former inspection team leader， said in a 2008 China Central Television interview. “The advantage of private talks is that officials feel relaxed and more willing to tell you things if they can speak in confidence.”
　　Li Baojin， Tianjin’s former chief prosecutor， was exposed for corruption at a private meeting.
　　In 2006， a year before Li was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve for embezzling funds totaling 20 million yuan （$3.25 million）， Li told Qi’s team that if they had any problems in Tianjin they could always come to him.
　　“Anything the mayor cannot solve， I can，” Li assured them at the time. His comments proved to be his undoing， triggering an investigation by Qi’s team into just how influential Li was.
　　Their investigation revealed Li accepted bribes from eight Tianjin-based firms between 1996 and 2006 when he was the city’s chief prosecutor and deputy police chief. Li was executed in 2009.
　　Qi admits that not every official is willing to expose their superior’s shady dealings. Often inspection teams must coax them into providing damning information.
　　Xu Danei， a columnist for the Chineselanguage website of Financial Times， has called on the central authorities to set up a special online inspection team to intensify the fight against corruption.
　　By the end of 2012， the number of Internet users in China had reached 564 million. The online community contributed 12 percent of clues leading to corruption probes， or 300，100 items， received by the CCDI and the Ministry of Supervision from 2008 to 2012， according to Zhang Shaolong， Deputy Director of the Letters and Calls Office under the CCDI.
　　“So many tip-offs come online， some of which are useful and others are wrong. But I believe inspection teams should be able to verify them all，”Xu said.