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《伊索寓言》作为西方寓言文学的代表作品,在我国早已众人皆知。明末,利玛窦就首先在其著作《畸人十篇》中译介过数则伊索寓言,此后又有庞迪我的《七克》、金尼阁的《况义》相继问世。同一时期,日本也产生了两种影响巨大的译本——天草本《ESOPO NO FABVLAS》和国字本《伊曾保物语》。因为日本的《伊索寓言》译本较为完整,所以译本与底本间的比较研究开展地较早,且在深度和广度上都取得了丰富的成果。然而,由于利玛窦、庞迪我和金尼阁所选译的伊索寓言数量较少,缺乏完整性,因此目前的研究对明末《伊索寓言》中译的底本问题缺乏关注。尽管如此,笔者认为日本作为天主教耶稣会在东亚成功传教的首站地,为天主教在中国的传播打下了基础,其在《伊索寓言》日译之底本的考证和比较研究上比较成熟,对我国《伊索寓言》中译之底本的研究极具启发性。
Aesop’s Fables, as the representative works of Western allegory literature, is already well known in our country. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, Matteo Ricci first translated a few Aesop’s allegories in his book The Tortoise, followed by Pondic’s “Seven Grams” and King’s Court’s “Condition of Status” one after another. In the same period, two influential translations were produced in Japan: Amagi “ESOPO NO FABVLAS” and the national character “Isebushi”. Because Japan’s “Aesop’s Fables” is relatively complete, the comparative study between the translation version and the first edition has been carried out earlier and has achieved rich results both in depth and in breadth. However, due to the small number of Aesop’s allegories translated by Matteo Ricci, Pontius Pau and Ginny Court and the lack of completeness, the current study lacks attention on the translation of the Aesop’s Fable in the late Ming. Nevertheless, I believe that Japan, as the first stop of the Jesuits’ successful mission in East Asia, laid the groundwork for the spread of Catholicism in China. It is relatively mature in the textual research and comparative studies of Japanese translation of Aesop’s Fables. The research on the translation of Chinese Aesop’s Fables is very inspiring.