A Review of Studies since the 1980’s on the Tieto-urman Song of the White Wolf

来源 :民族学刊 | 被引量 : 0次 | 上传用户:Kfreshman
下载到本地 , 更方便阅读
声明 : 本文档内容版权归属内容提供方 , 如果您对本文有版权争议 , 可与客服联系进行内容授权或下架
论文部分内容阅读
  Astract:From the 1920s to the 1980s, many scholars analyzed the “Song of the White Wolf ”(ai Lang Ge) from different perspectives. However, it is not easy to  interpret it ecause “it is written in the language of one of the ethnic minorities from a long time ago, and “the words and meanings are difficult to clarify; in addition,  the  dialects are difficult to understand, and the pronunciations of the characters have changed from ancient to present times ” . Therefore, up to now, there has een no consensus with regard to many issues, for example, the classification of the language, or the ethnic identity of the people, etc. Since the 1980s, a group of scholars, on the asis of previous studies, and y making use of the latest achievements in the study of historical phonology,  have conducted indepth research on the “Song of the White Wolf”. This article reviews the results of several representative investigations, in order to identify the issues in the research, and provide a reference for the next steps of research.
  The latest research on the Song of the White Wolf can e seen from three perspectives: 1) Identifying the ethnic attriution of the Song of the White Wolf; 2) classifying the language of the Song of the White Wolf which also happens to e the focus of most of the research, and 3. focusing on the semantic interpretation of the Song of the White Wolf.
  1.Identifying the ethnic attriution of the Song of the White Wolf.
  There have een long deates on the ethnic attriution  of the Song of the White Wolf. Among them, Wang Jingru’s research has een the most influential. Wang (1932) elieved that the Chinese characters lou rang (偻让) used in the “White Wolf” language was the selfdesignated  name used y the “White Wolf” people for their clan. He also found some examples of the ancient “Yi language”(夷语,or language of the Yi ararians) in the zhongguo fei hanyu yuyan huiian ( Chinese nonChinese Language Compilation). He then compared them with 18 characters from characters in the Song of the White Wolf, and found that they were roughly the same, which seems to estalish that characters read as “klou sou” is the term for “White Wolf”. Susequently, Chen Zongxiang and Deng Wenfeng (1979) agreed that Wangs comparative study was very promising. Ma Xueliang (1981) lent further confirmation to Wang Jingrus view ased upon the pronunciation of what the Yi ethnic group calls itself today in the yi language, which is “trusu” and “klousou” (彝族). Yan Hua (1983) put forward an opinion opposite to that of Wang Jingru and Ma Xueliang. He made his reuttal ased upon four aspects: terms of selfdesignation,  phonetics, semantics and modern location. Yan Hua elieves that the language found in the Song of the White Wolf elongs to the Pumi sugroup. However, we consider it somewhat aritrary to draw conclusions ased only on a phonetic comparison of individual words. It is impossile to determine the specific ranch to which the White Wolf language elongs y a phonetic comparison of only one or several words. In addition, Yan Hua used the area in which the White Wolf trie was supposed to e active as evidence to determine the ranch of the language they spoke. However, he neglected such factors as migration and language integration. One of the results of a migration process was the integration of different languages among the different groups, and different linguistic communities asored language elements from each other. Therefore, it is inappropriate to judge the area of activity of the White Wolf trie as that which coincides with the area of todays Pumi language speakers. Liu Yaohan and Chen Jiujin (1985) discussed the ethnicity of the “White Wolf” trie from the perspective of their customs, trial names, and geographical movement. Using this in comination with historical records and documents, and extensive field investigations with today’s ethnic minorities, they confirmed   the translated name “White Wolf”.  They elieved that the “Xifan” were the direct descendants of the “White Wolf” of the Han dynasty. However, this research does not take into account the prolem of errors in the transmission of literary records, a common phenomenon in historical communication. It is impossile to get reliale conclusions only y relying on literary evidence. As such, these documents can only e regarded as an auxiliary tool, and we must ultimately rely on linguistic arguments. Ma Xueliang (1986) considered “lou rang” (僂让)to e the selfdesignation of the Yi  (彝族).This is ased on the names for the Yi since ancient times. Similarly, Yang Fengjiang (1987) elieves that “White Wolf” in the Yi language means “mountain tiger”. The Yi take the “tiger” as their totem, so, the White Wolf is the ancestor of the Yi, and then the White Wolf elongs to the Yi language ranch. However, as we have discussed aove, there are still some risks in determining a generic appellation y using only one or two words.   2.Classifying the language  found in the Song of the White Wolf
  Seen from many studies, the White Wolf language should elong to the Tietourman  language group.  However, the distriution of Tietourman speakers is quite wide,and there are many ranches within Tietourman language family . There were some discussions of this issue in academic discourse  efore the 1980s.
  Ma Xueliang,and Dai Qingxia (1982) selected 26 words from the White Wolf Song which have a homologous relationship with Tietourman speaking ethnic groups,  and when they compared  them with Tietan, urmese and 19 other Tietourman languages, they discovered that the White Wolf language is closer to the Yi and urmese language suranches (including urmese, Achang, etc.). Furthermore, judging from the reconstruction of   pronunciation, the White Wolf language seems to e closer to the urmese language. Ma Xueliangs research has some limitations; for example, esides these 26 words, he cannot explain the origin and differences of other words. In addition, although, judging from its phonetic reconstruction, the pronunciation of the White Wolf language is closer to urmese, the article does not further interpret to which sulanguage it elongs. Later, Zhengzhang Shangfang (1993) interpreted the full text of the Song of the White Wolf y virtue of the latest results of historical phonetic research, and compared the Chinese phonetic records of the White Wolf language, word y word, with oth the urmese and Tietan languages.  He concluded that the White Wolf language should e a proto urmese language, which, to some extent, is very close to the urmese language. Zhengzhang Shangfang and Ma Xueliang asically hold the same view, ut that of Zhengzhang Shangfang is more comprehensive in its investigation. He aandons the “characteristic word” approach, and chooses to compare  the full text. As a result, he provides more detailed conclusions and a clearer scope for the language classification of White Wolf language. Huang Yilu (2001) puts forward another opinion. Huang elieves that the Song of the White Wolf elongs to Zhuang language. He compared the phonetics, vocaulary, grammar and semantics of White Wolf language with today’s Zhuang language, and elieves that the Song of the White Wolf is a song from the ancient Yue people.  However, the shortcoming of Huang’s phonetic reconstruction seriously affects the reliaility of his conclusion. In order to avoid the drawacks of Huang’s phonetic reconstruction, Wu Anqi (2007) reconstructed the phonetic system of the Chinese spoken in the Eastern Han dynasty, and then used it to make a phonetic reconstruction of the Chinese characters in the Song of the White Wolf. According to the results of the reconstruction and some grammatical rules of Proto Yiurmese language, he elieves that the Song of the White Wolf was a Proto Yiurmese language two thousand years ago, and it is an ancestor language or a related language of present day Yiurmese languages.   3. The prolem of deciphering the meaning of the words in the Song of the White Wolf.
  Liu Yaohan and Chen Jiujin (1985), ased on the phonetic system of the Pumi lanauge, reached a conclusion that the author of the Song of the White Wolf, i.e. the “White Wolf King”, was not satisfied with the ruler of Han dynasty. This  explanation is contrary to the records found in the hou han shu (the ook of the Later Han Dynasty). These contradictory statements are confusing. The crux of the prolem lies in his interpretation of the content of the Song of the White Wolf found in Pumi language, which is similar to that of Yang Zhaohui. Yang (1987) compared the existing Pumi language found in northwestern Yunnan and southwestern Sichuan with ancient “Yi words” (夷言)in the Song of the White Wolf y comining historical documents and field investigation. Yang elieves that the transliterations of the Chinese characters are phonetically ancient Pumi. Yangs approach exposed the prolem of identifying the suranch of the language of the White Wolf in advance, and then matching todays Pumi with socalled ancient or ProtoPumi. As we have said aove, it more than 2,000 years have passed since the Han dynasty. No matter whether if it is the “Chinese language” or “Yi language”, their phonetic systems have undergone many changes, so, it is impossile to pursue a complete translation (although this method is more rigorous). Chen Zongxiang and Deng Wenfeng (1987) when they interpreted the sentence “lou rang long dong”(僂让龙洞), they elieved that “rang ” meant “lack trial group”. Chens perspective is very unique, exiting from some of the limitations of previous studies, and gives  people a sense of something refreshing. However,  Chens argument also needs to solve the prolem of the relationship etween “lou rang” and “White Wolf”. Huang Zhenhua (1998),ased on the research of Wang Jingru, continued to interpret the White Wolf language as the Xixia language. Luo Qijun (2005) further uncovered some pure phonetic characters amidst the transliterated characters. However, it is regrettale that Huang used the phonetic transcription of kangxi zidian ( Kangxi Dictionary) or shiyong da cidian (Practical Dictionary) to reconstruct the phonetic transcription of the Chinese characters in the White Wolf language. Wu Anqi (2007) interpreted the Song of the White Wolf veratim, ut this explanation is not veratim of the meaning , it centered on a theme. He thinks that the translator of the poem put together various allads and nursery rhymes. Although Wus interpretation is not consistent with the ook of Later Han Dynasty, this method is relatively novel, and it provides a good angle for the study of the Song of the White Wolf .   It has een nearly 2000 years since the Song of the White Wolf came into eing, ut the research on it is uninterrupted. From the original collation of songs and lyrics to the discussion of ethnicity,  the characteristics of the poetry, language features, language classification and so on, various scholars have conducted multipronged research on it y comining ethnology, history, linguistics, archaeology and so on. With the progress of research and the latest achievements of relevant disciplines, the interpretation of the Song of the white Wolf Song will ecome more and more clear.
  Key Words: the Song of the White Wolf; language classification ; word interpretation; ethnic attriution
  References:
  Chen Zongxiang,Deng Wenfeng. ailangge yanjiu shuping(A Review of the Studies on the Song of the White Wolf). In Journal of Southwest Normal University,1979(4).
  Chen Zongxiang,Deng Wenfeng. “ailangge”di shiyiju “lou rang long dong”shijie(An Interpretation of the 11th Verse “Lou Rang Long Dong” in the “Song of the White Wolf” ). In Journal of Southwest University for Nationalities,1987(1).
  Chen Zongxiang,Deng Wenfeng. “ailangge”yanjiu[1](Studies of the Song of the White Wolf[Vol.I]).Chengdu:Sichuan remin chuanshe,1991.
  Fan Ye.hou han shu (the ook of Later Han Dynasty).eijing:zhonghua shuju,1965.
  
  Fang Guoyu.yizu shigao(History of the Yi).Chengdu:Sichuan minzu chuanshe,1984.
  Huang Yilu.dongha “ailangge”shi yueren geyao(The Song of the White Wolf in the Eastern Han Dynasty is a Song of the Yue People). In Ethnic Studies of Guangxi,2001(3).
  Liu Yaohan,Chen Jiujin.handai “ailing yi”de zushu xintan(New Exploration on the Ethnic Attriution of the White Wolf in the Han Dynasty). In Journal of Southwest Normal University,1985(4).
  Luo Qijun.ailangge shi yijie(An Annotation to the Song of the White Wolf). In Journal of Ningxia University,1998(3).
  Ma Xueliang.yiwen he yiwen jingshu(The Yi Script and Manuscripts).In Minority Language of China,1981(1).
  Ma Xueliang,Dai Qingxia. ailangge yanjiu (The Study of the Song of the White Wolf).In  Minority Languages of China,1982(5).
  Ma Xueliang.ailangge zhong de “lou rang” kao( An Exploration of “Lou Rang”in the Song of the White Wolf). In Journal of Minzu University of China (supplement),1986(3).
  Wang Li.hanyu yuyin shi(History of the Voice of Han Chinese ). Jinan:Shandong jiaoyu chuanshe,1987.
  Wu Anqi.ailangge jiede(An Interpretation of the Song of the White Wolf). InMinority Languages of China, 2007(6).
  Yan Hua. “ailangge”zucheng yanjiu zhiyi(Questions on the Ethnic Attriutes of the Song of the White Wolf). In Journal of Southwest Normal University,1983(1).
  Yang Fengjiang.guayu ailangge zuzhu wenti tantao(On the Ethnic Attriution  of the Song of the White Wolf). In Yi Culture,1987(1).
  Yang Zhaohui. “ailangge” ianxi(An Analysis of the Song of the White Wolf),1987(1).
  Zhengzhang Shangfang.shanggu miange—“ailangge de quanwen jiedu”(urmese Songs in Ancient Time:A Complete Interpretation of the Song of the White Wolf). In Minority Languages of China,1993(1).
其他文献
[摘要]中央民族学院1954级藏语班学生1958—1959年进藏实习,正逢西藏风起云涌、社会急剧动荡之时。他们在胡坦、洛桑多吉老师的带领下,于1958年“五一”前夕抵达拉萨,开始他们的实习生活。不过,由于工作需要,不到半年,他们的实习被打断,此后陆续参加了西藏社会历史调查、平叛及平叛后的俘虏甄别、民主改革等一系列工作。他们几乎人人都是多面手,有的学生就地分配留在了拉萨,见证了西藏这一段跌宕起伏的历
期刊
1945年秋,我十八岁,是重庆南开中学即将升入高三的学生,正放暑假,住在重庆南岸乡下家中。我的家在川黔公路边上。8月l5日傍晚,公路上开过来一些美军军车,上面坐的是些美国兵。在重庆,来华和我们并肩打日本的美国兵多的去了,我们是见怪不怪,但这回有点异样,只见他们拿着手枪、冲锋枪朝天乱放,嘴里咿里哇啦地叫唤,听得出来,他们说的是:“停战啦!胜利啦!”显然,他们军队得到的消息快。不一会儿,我家附近的土桥
期刊
3月初,本刊记者付光辉对北京大学哲学系王炜教授、中文系王炎博士作了一次访谈。他们自发组织的学术沙龙最近正致力于德国当代女思想家汉娜·阿伦特的二战犹太问题研究,力求通过阅读和讨论阿伦特的著作,思考二战时期纳粹屠杀犹太人所反映出的政治哲学问题,同时,切入南京大屠杀事件,对比西方人对待同类事件的态度,反思我们对待历史的方式和知识分子观念中存在的问题。  遗憾的是,在录音稿整理的过程中,王炜先生于4月11
期刊
……老张正是处于这样的角色冲突之中。而老张的这种角色冲突是中国法官(尤其是乡村的基层法官)面临的普遍困境……所以在宣布判决时出现了下面戏剧性的场面:老张法官哭了,来顺妈晕倒了,何主任傻了,刘律师笑了,老栓困惑了……  《老张法官轶事——审牛记》是一部拍得相当不错的反映农村基层司法运行状况的法制题材电影,这部电影,不免让人感到几多心酸、几多无奈。司法改革是中国改革进程中的“必修课”,而农村司法改革又
期刊
军政当局给劳森检察官和海伍德法官施压,要求对被告从轻发落,以便在今后与苏联的对抗中与德国成为战略伙伴……海伍德法官最终不为各种利诱和威逼所动,判处这四名被告终身监禁。  1961年,美国联艺公司拍摄了一部名叫《纽伦堡审判》的影片,在二战影片史中具有相当的考察意义,其所揭示的法律问题,暴露了更深层次的、甚至更具普遍性的内涵:审判被人类本身的局限所悬置和架空;以及审判被悬置之后,人类所面临的困境与希望
期刊
随着人类政治文明的进步,民主、民主化越来越表现为世界的宠儿,而非昔日之弃婴。民主也必将在中国长成参天大树!  然而,当前的现实是,在中国现实语境中,民主所表现出来的,或者说所要实现的,更应是一种程序。今年春夏之交发生在某地农村基层选举中的现实案例,对此就给予了很好的诠释。  2005年5月26日下午,湖南省Y县S村举行第六届村民委员会换届选举。两位候选人一位是现年58岁的现任村支部书记,另一位是青
期刊
许德珩,曾是“五四”运动的先锋,又是九三学社的发起者和长期的领导人,一生都在为民主科学而奋斗。  1931年“九·一八”事变爆发,在北京大学任教授的许德珩大力宣传抗日救亡。一天,北大进步学生千家驹、张百川来到他家,约他到北京大学作时事讲演。许德珩立即答应了学生的要求,到北京大学作了一次关于东北沦陷华北告急的讲演,揭发日本帝国主义侵略中国的罪行,痛斥南京政府卖国的不抵抗政策。许德珩慷慨陈词,使同学们
期刊
我们知道,对于哲学的定义历来都存在很大的争议,但哲学作为一门认知科学似乎早已成了共识,那么如果说哲学和政治结合,我们显然可以认为是哲学被应用于政治。而艺术是一般被定义为对人类一切美的思考和创作,这样一来,乍看上去,似乎艺术与政治没有任何关系,这当然也不对,“善辩”是一门语言艺术,如果被应用到政治往往会取得意想不到的效果。例如,中国先秦时期语言辞令的艺术性就往往很大地影响着外交斡旋、谈判的成功率。然
期刊
也许现实社会的束缚和局限过多,人的思绪就像是放风筝,飘得再远也难以挣脱地面绳索的牵引。苏东坡的一句“不识庐山真面目,只缘身在此山中”似乎点出了现实中人们为何困惑的原因。  在内忧外患的近代中国社会,无数思想先贤和革命志士为一个富强之梦忧虑奔走,渴望寻求到匡世济民的良方。其中文学也被看成是祛除思想痼疾的猛药,尤以鲁迅的弃医从文为其有力佐证。几千年来构筑的思想堤坝在社会洪流中遭到了前所未有的冲击,一批
期刊
官员外逃,自古有之。对于逃亡到国外的犯罪官员我们应该怎样处置?花什么样的代价将其缉捕回国刑之以法?我们先来看看2000多年前卫国的卫嗣君是怎么做的。  卫国有个叫胥靡的小吏逃到魏国,卫嗣君要用五十金索回小吏以绳之以法。魏国不给,卫嗣君就用左氏这个地方交换小吏。身边的人说:“用一个城邑交换一个小吏,值得吗?”卫嗣君说:“法治无所谓小,动乱也不是直接从大处发生的。法治不能建立,该杀的人不能杀、该判刑的
期刊