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今年4月7日，是卢旺达种族大屠杀第15个纪念日。卢旺达，这个“千丘之国”，本来国小名微，然而15年前，就是在这个非洲小国，80万生命在一百天之内消陨于屠刀和枪弹之下。这是20世纪的一大惨剧，人类历史上难以言说的痛。
然而，历史无法重来，对于幸存者来说，未来才是可以把握的。在经历这场浩劫后，这个国家的男性大多在战乱和屠杀中丧生，未来的重担落在了那些无辜而脆弱的妇孺身上。于是，我们看到，满身伤痕的卢旺达女人们勇敢地站了起来，在政坛和商界施展拳脚，用她们的坚强重建家园，抚平昔日伤痛。也许，这条路注定是漫长而崎岖的，但我们相信，她们会以无惧的决心走下去，去书写属于她们的历史篇章。
——Terry
Judith Kanakuze pauses at the mention of her family. “God saved me,” she says. “He did not save them.” Fifteen years ago, 11,000 1)Tutsis were murdered in Kanakuze’s home province of 2)Kibuye, in the west of Rwanda, in the town’s Roman Catholic church. Almost everyone in her extended family had fled to the 3)chapel for 4)sanctuary. The next day another 10,000 people were murdered in the town stadium in a 5)pogrom led by Kibuye’s governor. Kanakuze does not want to say much more. The survivors of the 6)genocide often speak of the pain of being “condemned to live.” But she admits to an unexpected optimism as a member of the first parliament in the world to have a majority of female MPs. “This is a different time,” she says. “We are transforming our society, and women are part of the solution.”
In September of 2008, Rwanda’s parliamentary election saw women win 45 of the 80 seats. Nearly half were elected in women-only seats, with the rest 7)triumphing in 8)open ballots. The women MPs include former rebels and genocide survivors, war widows and peasant farmers, and although the election was a landmark, the women’s success was not unexpected. Under the requirements of a new constitution, women already held a third of cabinet posts. The heads of the supreme court and the police are also women, as are the majority of the country’s prison governors.
Before 1994, women held only around one in five parliamentary seats. The genocide changed
everything. When the killing ended there were twice as many women as men in Rwanda, and while the gap has since narrowed, more than a third of households are still headed by women. Women also make up 55% of the workforce and own about 40% of businesses.
Aloisea Inyumba is a Tutsi former rebel fighter, who has been part of the 9)Rwandan Patriotic Front-led (RPF) government since it overthrew the extremist Hutu regime in 1994—serving first as Minister for Women and the Family, before moving to the gender and social affairs 10)brief. She is now a senator in the upper house of parliament, and says that women began to 11)exert political muscle partly as a means of survival.
“After the genocide there were property disputes,” she says, “so we worked on a strong family bill. For the first time the women of this country were given rights to inherit.
Traditionally, if a woman married a man, the property belonged to him. If your husband died, the property would go to the 12)in-laws. This bill has become a legal protection for families.
Women can now inherit, women can own property. A girl child and a boy child have equal entitlement to inheritance.”
Another issue that women forced the government to 13)address is rape. Sexual attacks were an 14)integral part of the genocide, with local political leaders running what amounted to rape camps in some villages. The international 15)tribunal for Rwanda—which 16)tried some of the organisers and 17)perpetrators of the killings—defined rape as an act of genocide under international law, if part of a systematic move to wipe out an ethnic group. Yet when it came to Rwanda’s own law to punish genocide, rape was almost 18)relegated to a relatively minor offence. The draft genocide law split offences into four categories, with sentences of death or life imprisonment for murder. But rape was placed in the lowest category, alongside offences such as 19)looting, with the draft law requiring only a light prison sentence or community service. Groups such as the Widows of the Genocide and Ibuka, the survivors’ association, were outraged. Many Tutsi women who had been raped had been infected with HIV, while others bore the children of their attackers. “The women were not happy with that draft law,” says Inyumba, and so “we advocated for a change. We
regarded the genocide law as very important in ensuring that the issue of sexual abuse was taken seriously.”
This transformation seems all the more unlikely given that it was 20)engineered by what had been a male-dominated rebel group. But Inyumba says a focus on gender equality infused the RPF from the start because the party was focused on a broader rejection of discrimination of all kinds.
Men have, on the whole, remained silent on the new laws. But Evarist Kalish MP, a member of the Liberal party and the chair of parliament’s human rights committee, says that many men recognise that women may provide the best leadership.
“More than men, women are the victims of the war,” says Kalish. “They have different priorities to those of men. They have more concern about issues related to violence in general, and gender-based violence in particular. Women have faced discrimination so they want to put a stop to discrimination. All of this will contribute to preventing another genocide.”
Judith Kanakuze在讲到她的家人时停顿了一下。“上天救活了我，”她说，“却没能救活我的家人。”15年前，在Kanakuze的家乡——位于卢旺达西部的基布耶，1.1万图西人在一个天主教堂里被杀害。当时，几乎她所有的亲人都逃到那个教堂以躲避杀身之祸，结果却无一幸免。事件后的第二天，又有一万图西民众在当地的体育场上遇害，这次的种族大屠杀由基布耶当权者发起。Kanakuze对此不想多说。种族屠杀的幸存者常常说他们背负着一种痛——“受着诅咒活下去”。 卢旺达议会是世界上首个女议员占多数的议会，作为其中一员，Kanakuze感到无比乐观，这种乐观是她不曾料到的。“这是个不同凡响的时代”，她说，“我们正在改造我们的社会，而女性是其中的一股推动力。”
2008年9月，卢旺达的议会选举结果显示，80个席位中有45位由女性夺得。其中，将近半数议员是在纯女性候选人当中产生，其他席位则是以记名投票方式产生。当选议员的女性包括前反政府武装分子、种族屠杀中的幸存者、因战争丧偶的寡妇，以及农民。尽管这次选举具有划时代意义，但女性的崛起却早就有迹可寻。根据一项新法规的规定，女性已占到内阁1/3的席位。最高法院院长和国家警察总长也是女性，同时在卢旺达，监狱长也是女性居多。
在1994年以前，女性在议会中仅占约1/5的席位。但种族大屠杀改变了一切。大屠杀发生以后，卢旺达女性人口的数量是男性的两倍。虽然此后男女人口比例差距不断地缩小，但如今，在超过1/3的家庭中，女性仍然是占据主导地位。同时，女性在劳动力中占的比例是55%，掌控着这个国家40%的商业。
Aloisea Inyumba曾经是一名图西反政府武装战士，自从1994年极端的胡图政权倾覆以后就一直在卢旺达爱国阵线（RPF）这个政党领导下的政府任职，最初担任妇女内务部长，然后开始从事性别和社会事务方面的政府工作。如今，她是上议院的参议员，她说女性开始在政界大展拳脚，部分原因在于，这是生存的一种方式。
“种族大屠杀以后，财产问题存在纷争”，她说，“所以我们设法制定一部更强有力的家政法案。这是有史以来，这个国家的女性第一次被赋予财产继承权。按照传统，妇女一旦出嫁，财产就归她的丈夫所有。如果她的丈夫去世，财产即由婆家继承。这部法案为家庭提供了法律保障。女性现在可以继承、拥有财产。女孩和男孩在财产继承问题上拥有平等的权利。”
女性促使政府解决的另一个问题是强奸。强奸是那次种族屠杀的重要一环，在一些村庄，甚至出现了由当地政客操控，堪称强暴营的地方。卢旺达问题国际法庭审判过部分卢旺达屠杀事件的策划者和参与者，依据国际法将“强奸”定义为种族屠杀的一种罪行，因为这是旨在清除一整个族裔的有计划有步骤的行动的一环。然而，根据卢旺达本国惩治种族屠杀的法律条例，强奸几乎只能算是一种相对轻微的犯罪。关于种族屠杀的草案将此罪行分为四类，犯有谋杀罪会被处以死刑或终生监禁。但强奸罪则归在最轻的一类，和抢掠相提并论，而且根据草案，量刑也仅为轻微的监禁或者社会服务。种族屠杀遗孀协会和幸存者组织“伊库卡”都被激怒了。很多被强暴的图西妇女因此感染了艾滋病病毒，有人甚至怀了施暴者的骨肉。“那些女性对草案很不满，”Inyumba说，因此“我们提倡改变。我们认为这部种族屠杀草案对促使人们正视性侵犯这个问题有着举足轻重的
作用”。
倘若卢旺达的政权仍掌握在一个男权主导的叛军政权手中，这样的转型似乎更是不可能的。然而，Inyumba说，从一开始卢旺达爱国阵线就把重心放在争取性别平等上，因为这个政党着力于在更广的范畴内消除各类歧视。
总体说来，卢旺达的男性一直对这部新的法案保持沉默。但国会议员、自由党人兼议会人权委员会主席Evarist
Kalish说，许多男性承认，女性也许可以更好地领导这个国家。
“与男性相比，女性更大程度上是战争的受害者，”Kalish说，“她们所优先考虑的问题也和男性的不一样。她们通常更关注和暴力相关的问题，尤其是基于性别歧视的暴力行为。女性一直备受歧视，因此她们想要终止这种状况。这些都有助于防止种族屠杀的历史重演。”
然而，历史无法重来，对于幸存者来说，未来才是可以把握的。在经历这场浩劫后，这个国家的男性大多在战乱和屠杀中丧生，未来的重担落在了那些无辜而脆弱的妇孺身上。于是，我们看到，满身伤痕的卢旺达女人们勇敢地站了起来，在政坛和商界施展拳脚，用她们的坚强重建家园，抚平昔日伤痛。也许，这条路注定是漫长而崎岖的，但我们相信，她们会以无惧的决心走下去，去书写属于她们的历史篇章。
——Terry
Judith Kanakuze pauses at the mention of her family. “God saved me,” she says. “He did not save them.” Fifteen years ago, 11,000 1)Tutsis were murdered in Kanakuze’s home province of 2)Kibuye, in the west of Rwanda, in the town’s Roman Catholic church. Almost everyone in her extended family had fled to the 3)chapel for 4)sanctuary. The next day another 10,000 people were murdered in the town stadium in a 5)pogrom led by Kibuye’s governor. Kanakuze does not want to say much more. The survivors of the 6)genocide often speak of the pain of being “condemned to live.” But she admits to an unexpected optimism as a member of the first parliament in the world to have a majority of female MPs. “This is a different time,” she says. “We are transforming our society, and women are part of the solution.”
In September of 2008, Rwanda’s parliamentary election saw women win 45 of the 80 seats. Nearly half were elected in women-only seats, with the rest 7)triumphing in 8)open ballots. The women MPs include former rebels and genocide survivors, war widows and peasant farmers, and although the election was a landmark, the women’s success was not unexpected. Under the requirements of a new constitution, women already held a third of cabinet posts. The heads of the supreme court and the police are also women, as are the majority of the country’s prison governors.
Before 1994, women held only around one in five parliamentary seats. The genocide changed
everything. When the killing ended there were twice as many women as men in Rwanda, and while the gap has since narrowed, more than a third of households are still headed by women. Women also make up 55% of the workforce and own about 40% of businesses.
Aloisea Inyumba is a Tutsi former rebel fighter, who has been part of the 9)Rwandan Patriotic Front-led (RPF) government since it overthrew the extremist Hutu regime in 1994—serving first as Minister for Women and the Family, before moving to the gender and social affairs 10)brief. She is now a senator in the upper house of parliament, and says that women began to 11)exert political muscle partly as a means of survival.
“After the genocide there were property disputes,” she says, “so we worked on a strong family bill. For the first time the women of this country were given rights to inherit.
Traditionally, if a woman married a man, the property belonged to him. If your husband died, the property would go to the 12)in-laws. This bill has become a legal protection for families.
Women can now inherit, women can own property. A girl child and a boy child have equal entitlement to inheritance.”
Another issue that women forced the government to 13)address is rape. Sexual attacks were an 14)integral part of the genocide, with local political leaders running what amounted to rape camps in some villages. The international 15)tribunal for Rwanda—which 16)tried some of the organisers and 17)perpetrators of the killings—defined rape as an act of genocide under international law, if part of a systematic move to wipe out an ethnic group. Yet when it came to Rwanda’s own law to punish genocide, rape was almost 18)relegated to a relatively minor offence. The draft genocide law split offences into four categories, with sentences of death or life imprisonment for murder. But rape was placed in the lowest category, alongside offences such as 19)looting, with the draft law requiring only a light prison sentence or community service. Groups such as the Widows of the Genocide and Ibuka, the survivors’ association, were outraged. Many Tutsi women who had been raped had been infected with HIV, while others bore the children of their attackers. “The women were not happy with that draft law,” says Inyumba, and so “we advocated for a change. We
regarded the genocide law as very important in ensuring that the issue of sexual abuse was taken seriously.”
This transformation seems all the more unlikely given that it was 20)engineered by what had been a male-dominated rebel group. But Inyumba says a focus on gender equality infused the RPF from the start because the party was focused on a broader rejection of discrimination of all kinds.
Men have, on the whole, remained silent on the new laws. But Evarist Kalish MP, a member of the Liberal party and the chair of parliament’s human rights committee, says that many men recognise that women may provide the best leadership.
“More than men, women are the victims of the war,” says Kalish. “They have different priorities to those of men. They have more concern about issues related to violence in general, and gender-based violence in particular. Women have faced discrimination so they want to put a stop to discrimination. All of this will contribute to preventing another genocide.”
Judith Kanakuze在讲到她的家人时停顿了一下。“上天救活了我，”她说，“却没能救活我的家人。”15年前，在Kanakuze的家乡——位于卢旺达西部的基布耶，1.1万图西人在一个天主教堂里被杀害。当时，几乎她所有的亲人都逃到那个教堂以躲避杀身之祸，结果却无一幸免。事件后的第二天，又有一万图西民众在当地的体育场上遇害，这次的种族大屠杀由基布耶当权者发起。Kanakuze对此不想多说。种族屠杀的幸存者常常说他们背负着一种痛——“受着诅咒活下去”。 卢旺达议会是世界上首个女议员占多数的议会，作为其中一员，Kanakuze感到无比乐观，这种乐观是她不曾料到的。“这是个不同凡响的时代”，她说，“我们正在改造我们的社会，而女性是其中的一股推动力。”
2008年9月，卢旺达的议会选举结果显示，80个席位中有45位由女性夺得。其中，将近半数议员是在纯女性候选人当中产生，其他席位则是以记名投票方式产生。当选议员的女性包括前反政府武装分子、种族屠杀中的幸存者、因战争丧偶的寡妇，以及农民。尽管这次选举具有划时代意义，但女性的崛起却早就有迹可寻。根据一项新法规的规定，女性已占到内阁1/3的席位。最高法院院长和国家警察总长也是女性，同时在卢旺达，监狱长也是女性居多。
在1994年以前，女性在议会中仅占约1/5的席位。但种族大屠杀改变了一切。大屠杀发生以后，卢旺达女性人口的数量是男性的两倍。虽然此后男女人口比例差距不断地缩小，但如今，在超过1/3的家庭中，女性仍然是占据主导地位。同时，女性在劳动力中占的比例是55%，掌控着这个国家40%的商业。
Aloisea Inyumba曾经是一名图西反政府武装战士，自从1994年极端的胡图政权倾覆以后就一直在卢旺达爱国阵线（RPF）这个政党领导下的政府任职，最初担任妇女内务部长，然后开始从事性别和社会事务方面的政府工作。如今，她是上议院的参议员，她说女性开始在政界大展拳脚，部分原因在于，这是生存的一种方式。
“种族大屠杀以后，财产问题存在纷争”，她说，“所以我们设法制定一部更强有力的家政法案。这是有史以来，这个国家的女性第一次被赋予财产继承权。按照传统，妇女一旦出嫁，财产就归她的丈夫所有。如果她的丈夫去世，财产即由婆家继承。这部法案为家庭提供了法律保障。女性现在可以继承、拥有财产。女孩和男孩在财产继承问题上拥有平等的权利。”
女性促使政府解决的另一个问题是强奸。强奸是那次种族屠杀的重要一环，在一些村庄，甚至出现了由当地政客操控，堪称强暴营的地方。卢旺达问题国际法庭审判过部分卢旺达屠杀事件的策划者和参与者，依据国际法将“强奸”定义为种族屠杀的一种罪行，因为这是旨在清除一整个族裔的有计划有步骤的行动的一环。然而，根据卢旺达本国惩治种族屠杀的法律条例，强奸几乎只能算是一种相对轻微的犯罪。关于种族屠杀的草案将此罪行分为四类，犯有谋杀罪会被处以死刑或终生监禁。但强奸罪则归在最轻的一类，和抢掠相提并论，而且根据草案，量刑也仅为轻微的监禁或者社会服务。种族屠杀遗孀协会和幸存者组织“伊库卡”都被激怒了。很多被强暴的图西妇女因此感染了艾滋病病毒，有人甚至怀了施暴者的骨肉。“那些女性对草案很不满，”Inyumba说，因此“我们提倡改变。我们认为这部种族屠杀草案对促使人们正视性侵犯这个问题有着举足轻重的
作用”。
倘若卢旺达的政权仍掌握在一个男权主导的叛军政权手中，这样的转型似乎更是不可能的。然而，Inyumba说，从一开始卢旺达爱国阵线就把重心放在争取性别平等上，因为这个政党着力于在更广的范畴内消除各类歧视。
总体说来，卢旺达的男性一直对这部新的法案保持沉默。但国会议员、自由党人兼议会人权委员会主席Evarist
Kalish说，许多男性承认，女性也许可以更好地领导这个国家。
“与男性相比，女性更大程度上是战争的受害者，”Kalish说，“她们所优先考虑的问题也和男性的不一样。她们通常更关注和暴力相关的问题，尤其是基于性别歧视的暴力行为。女性一直备受歧视，因此她们想要终止这种状况。这些都有助于防止种族屠杀的历史重演。”