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Abstract： The course of Japanese “national education” was influenced by multiple factors such as Confucianism， Kokugaku （National Learning）， and Rangaku （Dutch Learning） in the Meiji period. Speaking particularly to Japan’s dominant traditional culture based on Confucianism， the Confucian influence on the path to national education was reshaped between the commencement of the Meiji Restoration in 1868 and the promulgation of the 1879 Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education. By 1890， the Imperial Rescript on Education went into effect and made Confucian influence even stronger. Confucian culture acted as a spiritual driving force and played a crucial role in promoting reform in Japan. On the other hand， it was also distorted to serve the Japanese imperial system and melded into the Japanese systems of protection–allegiance and kokutai （national polity）.
Keywords： Confucian culture， Meiji Restoration， Japan， national education
The birth and evolution of the modern educational system of Japan were deeply influenced by Confucianism， Kokugaku （National Learning）， and Rangaku （Dutch Learning） during the early Meiji period from the 1860s to the 1890s. The Meiji government derived the concept of “emperor-centrism” （kokoku） by merging the Confucian ideas of loyalty and filiality， Shintoism from National Learning， and the “instrumental” idea of a prosperous militaristic state （fukoku kyohei） from Dutch Learning. Among these three intellectual threads， Confucian culture exerted a growing influence on Japanese national education and at the same time was merged with its imperial system and blended into the protection–allegiance and kokutai （national polity） systems.
History of Confucian Influence on the Course of
Japanese National Education [Refer to page 91 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
After Oda Nobunaga 織田信长 （1534–1582） unified a divided Japan， leading generals grew increasingly discontent with Buddhism predominating the minds of the masses， denouncing it as beguiling and heretical. Later， Tokugawa Ieyasu 德川家康 （1543–1616） differentiated himself from other military strongmen and， grasping the historical trend， he boldly and resolutely reformed the Japanese religion and had Buddhism replaced with Confucianism. As a consequence， Japan was henceforth armed with Confucian culture. In the Edo period （1603–1868）， initiated by Tokugawa Ieyasu， the ruling shoguns tried their best to resist European colonialism by issuing a series of isolationist orders and conducted trade relations exclusively with China and the Netherlands. The Tokugawa shogunate not only had high esteem for Confucianism， and especially Zhu Xi’s doctrines， which were used to defend the feudal hierarchy， but also learned about Western culture and science through the Netherlands and reverentially called this Western knowledge Rangaku. Furthermore， Japan developed Shintoism out of its indigenous tradition of Kokugaku. As is quite apparent， Japanese scholarship in the Edo Period evinced Confucian， Kokugaku， and Rangaku schools， all of which deeply affected Japanese national education. After his enthronement， the Meiji Emperor （r. 1867–1912） had Edo renamed Tokyo， which became the center where the national institutions and systems were overhauled. The new political system was finally established in the wake of the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan （a.k.a. the Meiji Constitution） in 1889. But in fact， as soon as the Meiji Restoration （1860s–1890s） commenced， Japan had devoted itself to pursuing modernity by varied policies such as encouraging industrial development and aspiring to be civilized and enlightened. In the meantime， a series of administrative reforms was launched one after another. For example， the Meiji government substituted modern prefectures for feudal domains （haihan-chiken）， whence to create highly centralized state power. It created the Monbushō， an equivalent of the modern Ministry of Education， which played a large role in consolidating centralized state power through the national education system. Against the backdrop of civilization and enlightenment， Japan found a path to national education that was influenced by Confucian culture in its quest for empire. Of course， aside from Confucian culture， traditional Japanese resources such as Kokugaku， Shintoism， and the Nipponized Buddhism also exerted great influence on the development of Japan. It should be particularly noted that， although the interrelationship between Shintoism， Buddhism， Kokugaku， and Confucianism was always complicated and intricate， all were irrevocably dragged into Japanese militarism， which gradually rose to predominance in modern Japan.
Thus an insight into the course of national education in the Meiji sheds light on the historical process by which Confucian culture grew from a weak influence into a powerful one.
Reinventing the Influence of Confucian Culture [92]
The Meiji government soon established a new administrative system after the transfer of power back to the Tennō in October 1867. But at the very beginning， there were not any special agencies in charge of education in the new system. In February 1868， the government commissioned three representatives of Kokugaku—Hirata Kanetane 平田銕胤 （1799–1880）， Tamamatsu Misao 玉松操 （1810–1872）， and Yano Harumichi 矢野玄道 （1823–1887）—to investigate Japan’s existing system of education. This indicated that the official educational endeavor had shifted from Confucian-centered Chinese learning to the Tennō-centric Kokugaku， which increased the friction between these two schools. Finally in September 1868， the Japanese government set up the imperial Kangakusho （the Chinese Learning Place） and Kogakusho （the Imperial Learning Place）， devoted to Chinese learning and the native Japanese learning respectively， hoping that in doing so the tensions between the two schools could be mediated. Meanwhile， the government emphasized that the Chinese， Japanese， and Western learning were all servants of the Tennō’s absolute rule. In addition， the conventional system of education that was centered on the Confucian study was substantially supplemented with studies of Kokugaku. In December 1869， the Kangakusho and Kogakusho were merged into a single institute， and at the same time emphasis was given to the role that Rangaku could play in national education， thus creating a tripartite arrangement in which Kokugaku， Confucianism， and Rangaku coexisted competitively.
In 1872， the commencement of modern education in the country was marked by the promulgation of the Education System Order [Gakusei]， the first state order concerning the school system. With this law， the Meiji government made an attempt to create an educational system consisting of primary， secondary， and tertiary schools and assorted specialized institutions and correspondingly formulated standards and regulations respecting admission qualifications， periods of schooling， competence for teaching posts， and qualifications for promotion. The government went further， laying a solid foundation for the Meiji-style centralized education system by setting up the supervisory agencies that governed school districts at all levels and directly administered by the Monbushō. The promulgation of the Education System Order made [primary] education open to all children， all of whom now had a chance to study the scientific knowledge. Moreover， it brought about a complete educational system contributing decisively to the full modernization of education in Japan. Nevertheless， it was not easy to put the 1872 order into effect and create a uniform system of education， especially considering the huge politico–cultural differences existing between Japan’s different regions. It is particularly worth mentioning that those who promoted modern education started to pay attention to Western ways of thinking and social customs behind science and technology that were being introduced to Japan. This obviously conflicted with the more influential Confucian culture. For example， Saga Domain， which was renowned for its promotion of technological modernization， became entangled in three-way conflicts involving Confucianism， Kokugaku， and Western culture. At the same time， the Japanese administrative system’s resolve regarding national education wavered to some extent and there began to be worries that the 1872 order’s institutionalization of the educational system might now be too monopolistic. Additionally， the abovementioned ideas of education were too pragmatic and too utilitarian， such that national education might be subordinated entirely to the state’s technocratic interests at the expense of the pursuit of truth. Unlike the utilitarian Education System Order， curriculum-based moral education （shushin） through oral instruction was deeply influenced by Confucian traditions. In September 1873， the Monbushō promulgated the Pedagogical Rules of Primary Education and stipulated what should be taught in elementary schools， including the moral education through oral instruction that marked the commencement of Japan’s modern moral education. Dialogue between teacher and students played quite a significant role in the pedagogical methods of modern Japanese moral education. Obviously， by then the influence of Confucian culture had been rehabilitated， and the subsequent promulgation of the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education [Kyōgaku Seishi] and the Education Order [Kyōikurei] in 1879 made this point more remarkable.
In 1878， the Meiji Emperor went on an inspection tour during which he not only recognized outstanding contributors to the reform but also keenly observed the political situation and the people’s livelihoods in different regions. Then the emperor exchanged ideas with Motoda Nagazane 元田永孚 （1818–1891）， one of his tutors and private consultants， and proposed several points with respect to education. First， he proposed that general education should be based on the grand guidance of the ancestors and dedicated to the illumination of great values such as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality， and that moral education should be centered on the teachings of Confucius and everybody be taught to be honest. Second， schools should teach students state-of-the-art knowledge of various disciplines， make students morally and professionally complete， disseminate the teaching of rectitude nationwide， and ultimately turn the independent spirit of Japanese nation into something morally superior and without reproach throughout the entire world. The following year， Motoda Nagazane proposed the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education and presented it to Itō Hirobumi 伊藤博文 （1841–1909）， the Home Secretary， and Terashima Munenori 寺島宗則 （1832–1893）， senior officer superintending the Monbushō. The Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education consisted of the General Principles of Education [Kyōgaku Taishi] and the Two Provisions for Primary Education [Shogaku Jōmoku Niken]. According to the General Principles of Education， education was to be divided into two parts， namely education in values such as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality， and education in knowledge and skills， among which the former was to be considered fundamental and the latter incidental. It criticized the reversed order of education since the 1872 Education System Order and suggested strengthening the fundamental Confucian moral education. On the other hand， the Two Provisions for Primary Education required that images or photos of loyal officials， righteous persons， filial sons， and chaste women should be hung in all classrooms so that the moral education could be carried out osmotically， as “a fine drizzle moistens things without a sound.” It is evident that Motoda Nagazane started to revive the cultural spirit of traditional Confucianism in education. As far as the practical path to national education was concerned， the interventionist concept requiring schooling of all changed at the promulgation of the 1879 Education Order. It abolished the nationally uniform Pedagogical Rules of Primary Education and reduced the 213 detailed items of the Education System Order to just 47. The provisions of the Education Order were simple and left room for discretion in application. Consequently， the costs of education for the populace were lowered and， most importantly， the common people were given the freedom to choose whether to send their children to school. Inasmuch as the 1879 order created a new system replacing the highly centralized system of school districts， with individual districts and villages now being allowed to run the public elementary schools， independently or collaboratively. As a consequence， the autonomy of elementary schools was substantially increased and in some regions the schools could even freely decide textbooks in the light of local customs and practices. Such liberal notions suited the period’s burgeoning movements for freedom and civil rights. In the meantime， the 1879 order stipulated that traditional moral education through oral instruction be replaced with a modified moral education. But it must be noted that at that time the Meiji government had not yet paid enough attention to moral education， which was much less prominent in the curriculum. Overall， the Education Order did not fulfill its goal. Contrary to what was hoped， in the absence of compulsion a growing number of commoners were actually less enthusiastic about sending their children to schools.
In the face of the abovementioned predicament， the Meiji government decided to return to its interventionist approach to education and promulgated the Revised Order on Education [Kaisei Kyōikurei] in 1880. This was a solution to the unduly low enrollment rate and at the same time it was applied to correct an extremely instrumentalist educational idea that overemphasized personal success and changed the earlier， liberal approach to education. Moreover， it ushered in a system that placed prime emphasis on moral education. In 1881， based on the Revised Order on Education， the Monbushō enacted the Guiding Principles of Primary Education， an act attaching the greatest importance to moral education over other studies.
Increasing Confucian Influence on the Course of
National Education [94]
Confucian influence on Japanese national education grew much stronger from the promulgation of the 1879 Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education to the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education [Kyōiku Chokugo]. The 1879 Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education concerned itself with the danger brought about by Japanese overemphasis on Western knowledge and neglect of social customs and morality， suggesting instead that education be based on such Confucian virtues as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality. In other words， this imperial order strongly advocated that moral education be the core of teaching in accordance with Confucian culture. In 1886， Mori Arinori 森有禮 （1847–1889）， Japan’s first Secretary of Education， enacted a series of laws such as the Imperial Order on Universities and Colleges， the Order on Normal Schools， the Order on Secondary Schools， and the Order on Elementary Schools. Mori Arinori developed the kokutai-centric idea that education was not universally dedicated to individuals but exclusively to the state， which required that the feudal loyalty to monarch should play a greater role in school education. Later， the Constitution of the Empire of Japan， promulgated on February 11， 1889， indicated that the Meiji Restoration had been successfully completed and signaled that Japan would thenceforth grow into a despotic country， which meant that national education in Japan would subtly metamorphosize into a tame servant to a despotic imperial Japan. In 1890， the Meiji government convened conferences of local governors in which the content of moral cultivation was discussed in detail and the Monbushō was expected to formulate guiding principles regarding moral education as soon as possible. Grasping this opportunity， the Japanese government quickly promulgated the Imperial Rescript on Education.
At that time Yamagata Aritomo 山縣有朋 （1838–1922）， Prime Minister and Home Secretary， paid great attention to these conferences of local governors and treated the local governors’ requirements not only as an affair for the Monbushō but also as the cabinet. Herein lay the reason that the Imperial Rescript on Education was enacted almost immediately. In addition， the Meiji Emperor himself took these suggestions very seriously and ordered Yoshikawa Akimasa 芳川顕正 （1842–1920）， who was appointed Secretary of Monbushō in May 1890， to prepare the maxims on education. Soon， these education-themed maxims were turned into imperial edicts. In October 1890， the Imperial Rescript on Education went directly to all subjects as an imperial edict. It decisively helped Confucian culture play a key role in the national moral education. Most importantly， the Imperial Rescript on Education unambiguously stressed the subjects’ absolute loyalty and obedience to the Tennō. The Imperial Rescript on Education contained only 315 words in total. It was fully centered on the two Confucian values of loyalty and filiality. Historico-culturally， filiality in Japan at that time was a private virtue applicable to the relationships with parents and brothers and in conformity with Confucian ethics; and loyalty was a public morality serving the state and harmonizing with constitutionalism. The two virtues were easily manipulated and put under control of militaristic nationalism. The Imperial Rescript on Education epitomized the basic features of national morality expected by the Meiji government， which became nothing other than an absolutist national education centered on [the cult of] the Tennō. By then， the debate since the promulgation of the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education about Europeanization and Confucianization in regard to national education was at an end. The enactment of the Imperial Rescript on Education marked out a leading role for the ultra-conservative royalists in education. It was based on the government’s need for the idea of an omnipotent Shintoistic Japanese state， a [distorted] Confucian love for the country and loyalty to the emperor， and subjects taught to serve the country， conforming to the true conditions of Japan at that time and defining the spirit of modern Japanese education. Precisely for this reason， the Imperial Rescript on Education did not repeat the mistakes of the 1872 Education System Order and the 1879 Education Order but instead laid a spiritual foundation for the growth of the Japanese militarism. It was adhered to as the basic principle of national education until 1945， when the Japanese empire was defeated utterly.
Distortion of Confucian Culture in Japanese National Education [96]
Looking back at the three decades of the Meiji Restoration， we find that Confucian culture as released of a spiritual motive energy exerted crucial influence on the Japanese reforms. Nevertheless， it must be noted that Japan deliberately distorted Confucian culture when applying it to education， in particular melding Confucian culture with the Japanese imperial system and merging it into the Japanese systems of protection–allegiance and kokutai.
Speaking in terms of the advancement of Japan’s modernization， which relied on national education， both Japan’s universal education and specific military education were closely related to the protection–allegiance system and the growth of the Tennō-centric state. The Tokugawa shogunate， having its work based on the samurais’ dichotomic master–servant virtue or the master–servant relationship constituted by; shion （favors given to samurai/servant） and hōkō （services done to master/patron）， created an interpersonal relationship between ruler and the ruled， which was known as the protection–allegiance system. So long as the protection–allegiance chain worked well， servants or inferiors [and their groups] would remain loyal to the masters or superiors [and their groups]. This hierarchy could extend without limit. In other words， there were people inferior to the inferiors and superior to the superiors. The Shogun and hanshu （feudal lord） were at the very top of this social pyramid of protection and allegiance. After the collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate， the Meiji government attempted to extend the conventional protection–allegiance system and remold Shintoism into the spiritual pillar of the Japanese people in the hope that the entire nation would place their faith in the Tennō， who could be placed at the top of the pyramid to create a social cohesion for resisting the West. But in practice， the work of remolding the national faith by means of the Shinto shrine and priests did not go smooth. Precisely for this reason， Japan developed its national education in combination with the Confucian culture and applied it to making the Japanese more loyal. The Tennō， who had had no real power since the Edo Period， was now brought to the stage by reformists. Within the reformist faction， bureaucrats and the military strongmen who decided state politics were the most powerful. Among the leading reformist domains （namely Satsuma， Choshu， Saga， and Tosa）， Satsuma and Choshu took the lead in keeping alive the Tokugawa-style top-down protection–allegiance hierarchy and at the same time they tried their best to have the ruling shoguns replaced by the Tennō.
The pyramid of protection–allegiance continued to exist nationwide even in the wake of the disintegration of the system of shogunate and fiefdoms. Even within the small factions， the system of protection–allegiance kept working. The substitution of modern prefectures for feudal domains in 1871 put an end to the hereditary system regarding the leadership of domains， at which point how to metamorphosize the samurais’ and commoners’ loyalty to the feudal lord became a burning issue. Under such circumstances， the reformists desperately needed a spiritual nucleus to consolidate the whole of Japan and a supreme entity overriding all prestigious groups such as military leaders and prominent bureaucrats， both of which would be unifying a changing Japan very rapidly. On the surface， remolding the Tennō into a spiritual pillar of nationwide social cohesion was not a difficult job. But in fact， the Meiji government was faced with a huge challenge， namely how it could divert people’s allegiance from local feudatories to the Tennō as soon as he was apotheosized. At that time， the Western powers started to invade Japan and as a consequence a trans-feudatory national consciousness began sprouting in the minds of the Japanese people. Most importantly， a Japanese national identity emerged. A growing number of scholars of Kokugaku and Confucian studies recognized the cult of the Tennō. Nevertheless， quite a large number of commoners still cherished the memory of the Tokugawa Era. They regarded the powerless Tennō as the exterior of the protection–allegiance system and someone irrelevant to their everyday lives. In view of this， the Meiji government decided to increase the Tennō’s mystique and authoritativeness by means of Shintoism.
In 1869， the Meiji government set up the Department of Divinities in various administrative organs， hoping that by doing so Shintoism could be remolded into a state religion and all other religions excluded. However， this move contradicted the substitution of modern prefectures for feudal domains and the selection of policies aspiring to reconstruct Japan into a Western-style modern state. In matters of religion， modern Western Europe lavishly praised religious freedom， yet by contrast Japan denounced Christianity as an evil cult， excluded and eliminated Buddhism， and demanded that the Shinto rule of visiting shrines be adopted nationwide. The Meiji government even expected to substitute Shinto priests for Buddhist monks as religious figures for the people. Nevertheless， these were ineffectual efforts. Therefore， the Meiji government decided to metamorphosize the commoners’ allegiance by means of Confucian culture. An example was the 1872 Education System Order， which was based on the system of school districts and universal education and was used to simultaneously teach the Japanese knowledge and cultivate their morality. Moreover， Japan， relying on Confucian ethics， constantly strengthened the role played by small factions and workplaces could play in [moral] restrictions. It should be noted that keeping people within the bounds of discipline， which was based on small factions and ritual ideas， effectively helped Japan to adopt advanced Western technology. As a result， the protection–allegiance system， which had been deeply rooted in small factions since the Edo Period， not only laid the hierarchical foundation for the state religion （i.e.， Shintoism）， in collaboration with the Shinto rule of visiting shrines， but also made well-disciplined actions in workplaces， which constituted the base of Japan’s industrial structure， possible in the Meiji Period. It is true that Shintoism and group consciousness， both of which were based on the Tennō-centric system， made great contribution to the rapid modernization of material production; it is also true that the discrepancy between underdeveloped spiritual modernity and the advancement of material modernization did exist and was， to some extent， relevant to the rise of Japanese militarism. In 1885， Japan abolished the Great Council of State （Daijō-kan） and built a Western European-style organizational structure and prepared for the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan. The Ministry of Education was among the newly-created modern ministries. Secretary of Education Mori Arinori did his best to have the modern Japanese system of education modeled on those of Western Europe and at the same time made the education of the Japanese national polity a pillar of the entire national education system. In fact， the idea of the Japanese national polity had already appeared around the commencement of the Meiji Restoration. Inasmuch as the old Shintoism did not have systematic creeds but sacrificial texts only， the Secretary suggested that the Meiji government create a mixture of Kokugaku， Shintoism， and the Confucian culture and ideologically define Shintoistic national morality， social order， and class structure by means of Confucian cultural methods. With the help of Confucian culture， the social order involving the Tennō， the royal family， and various factions of bureaucrats and even intra-factional relationships would all be rooted in the Five Constant Virtues. Amazingly， such an order actually overrode the Five Cardinal Relationships and brought about an incredible balance between the rigorousness of order and the flexibility of institutions. Of course， considering that human relation outranked institutions in Japan， the country could hardly transform into a modern republic based on a constitution and a constitutional legal system. Nevertheless， as far as education was concerned， Mori Arinori successfully and simultaneously had the national education centered on the Japanese national polity through Confucian culture and achieved a unity of Japanese and Western European education.
From the very founding of the shogunate in the Edo Period， the Tokugawa family， by virtue of the Confucian Five Constant Virtues and Five Cardinal Relationships， operated a relatively stable protection–allegiance system in various small factions existing in families and workplaces. Precisely for this reason， in 1882， the Meiji government promulgated the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors [Gunjin Chokuyu]， by which the pyramidal hierarchy was ideologically justified and rooted in the military. Besides， this rescript， which relied on Confucian cultural concepts， was used to make the Japanese national polity more praiseworthy and remarkable. Soon the Outline for Primary Education， based on the virtues of loyalty， filiality， benevolence， and righteousness， was applied nationwide. One year after the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan in 1889， the Japanese government enacted the Imperial Rescript on Education， which was precisely an embodiment of Mori Arinori’s ultimate educational goal of maintaining the Japanese national polity. In this regard， some observed， “Each of items mentioned here， taken individually， is absolutely not wrong. Even so， the intellectual thread running through all of them is actually a powerful nationalism， a state-centric melody.” Different from the 1872 Education System Order and the 1879 Education Order， the Imperial Rescript on Education was a great impetus to Japanese militarism. To sum up， the promulgation of the Education System Order， the Education Order， and the Revised Order on Education indicated that the liberal education arising in the wake of the movement for freedom and civil rights had already been replaced with the conventional idea which was centered on reverence of the emperor. To put it another way， Japan strongly held that the adoption of the advanced science and technology of Western Europe must be premised on an adherence to Confucian culture and Kokugaku. Inevitably， the imported Western political philosophy and empiricism were in conflict with traditional Japanese Shintoism. The promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan meant that Western European political idea was successfully grafted onto the mystique of the Tennō. Japanese schools and families were thus turned into the breeding ground for talents meeting the needs of a militaristic Japan in the wake of the enactment of the Education System Order， the Imperial Rescript on Education， and the Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Japan’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War （1894） exerted significant influence on the mutation of Japanese education. The Japanese rejoiced at the news of victory and held spontaneous celebrations. But in fact， they celebrated the Tennō. Herein lay the difference between the Tennō-centric Japan and the Western European countries. To be specific， the Western soldiers and ordinary people had a general patriotic feeling; whereas the Japanese performed a cult of the Tennō， a holy， supreme commander. In this sense， the awakening， in which the Japanese regarded themselves as the members of a unified country， was still subject to the rule of the Tennō， even though it had gone beyond parochialism. It was none other than the national consciousness embracing Japanese militarism. Even if there was a national awareness， it had to be blended into the consciousness of the Tennō’s subject. Worst of all， it was from this awakening that the unlimited expansion of Japanese militarism in East Asia derived.
Concluding Remarks [99]
The authority of the Tennō was rehabilitated in the Meiji Period. As a result， samurai did not devote their loyalty to Shogun and feudal lord but to the emperor. Historically， the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education played a crucial role in this transformation. It consisted of Confucian ideas of loyalty and filiality and the conventional Japanese idea of respecting the alleged national quintessence. Meiji Japan， relying on Confucian culture， remolded the royal family into a figurehead imagined and worshipped as the head of the entire Japanese family–society， and equated filial piety to one’s parents with the loyalty to the Tennō， so as to have the cult of the Tennō locked deep in national education. At the same time， the Meiji government married the ancient Tennō system with the samurai military regime and created a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor. The Tennō was successfully placed at the very top of the protection–allegiance system.
If we extend the period of time down to the collapse of Japanese empire in 1945， we will see that， from the twilight of the Shogunate， to the Meiji Restoration， and to the fiasco of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere， Confucian culture was severely distorted by the Japanese government， which negatively affected Japanese national education and the overall development of Japan， even though it did play a positive role in the incipient stage of the rise of modern Japan.
Translated by Chi Zhen
Keywords： Confucian culture， Meiji Restoration， Japan， national education
The birth and evolution of the modern educational system of Japan were deeply influenced by Confucianism， Kokugaku （National Learning）， and Rangaku （Dutch Learning） during the early Meiji period from the 1860s to the 1890s. The Meiji government derived the concept of “emperor-centrism” （kokoku） by merging the Confucian ideas of loyalty and filiality， Shintoism from National Learning， and the “instrumental” idea of a prosperous militaristic state （fukoku kyohei） from Dutch Learning. Among these three intellectual threads， Confucian culture exerted a growing influence on Japanese national education and at the same time was merged with its imperial system and blended into the protection–allegiance and kokutai （national polity） systems.
History of Confucian Influence on the Course of
Japanese National Education [Refer to page 91 for Chinese. Similarly hereinafter]
After Oda Nobunaga 織田信长 （1534–1582） unified a divided Japan， leading generals grew increasingly discontent with Buddhism predominating the minds of the masses， denouncing it as beguiling and heretical. Later， Tokugawa Ieyasu 德川家康 （1543–1616） differentiated himself from other military strongmen and， grasping the historical trend， he boldly and resolutely reformed the Japanese religion and had Buddhism replaced with Confucianism. As a consequence， Japan was henceforth armed with Confucian culture. In the Edo period （1603–1868）， initiated by Tokugawa Ieyasu， the ruling shoguns tried their best to resist European colonialism by issuing a series of isolationist orders and conducted trade relations exclusively with China and the Netherlands. The Tokugawa shogunate not only had high esteem for Confucianism， and especially Zhu Xi’s doctrines， which were used to defend the feudal hierarchy， but also learned about Western culture and science through the Netherlands and reverentially called this Western knowledge Rangaku. Furthermore， Japan developed Shintoism out of its indigenous tradition of Kokugaku. As is quite apparent， Japanese scholarship in the Edo Period evinced Confucian， Kokugaku， and Rangaku schools， all of which deeply affected Japanese national education. After his enthronement， the Meiji Emperor （r. 1867–1912） had Edo renamed Tokyo， which became the center where the national institutions and systems were overhauled. The new political system was finally established in the wake of the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan （a.k.a. the Meiji Constitution） in 1889. But in fact， as soon as the Meiji Restoration （1860s–1890s） commenced， Japan had devoted itself to pursuing modernity by varied policies such as encouraging industrial development and aspiring to be civilized and enlightened. In the meantime， a series of administrative reforms was launched one after another. For example， the Meiji government substituted modern prefectures for feudal domains （haihan-chiken）， whence to create highly centralized state power. It created the Monbushō， an equivalent of the modern Ministry of Education， which played a large role in consolidating centralized state power through the national education system. Against the backdrop of civilization and enlightenment， Japan found a path to national education that was influenced by Confucian culture in its quest for empire. Of course， aside from Confucian culture， traditional Japanese resources such as Kokugaku， Shintoism， and the Nipponized Buddhism also exerted great influence on the development of Japan. It should be particularly noted that， although the interrelationship between Shintoism， Buddhism， Kokugaku， and Confucianism was always complicated and intricate， all were irrevocably dragged into Japanese militarism， which gradually rose to predominance in modern Japan.
Thus an insight into the course of national education in the Meiji sheds light on the historical process by which Confucian culture grew from a weak influence into a powerful one.
Reinventing the Influence of Confucian Culture [92]
The Meiji government soon established a new administrative system after the transfer of power back to the Tennō in October 1867. But at the very beginning， there were not any special agencies in charge of education in the new system. In February 1868， the government commissioned three representatives of Kokugaku—Hirata Kanetane 平田銕胤 （1799–1880）， Tamamatsu Misao 玉松操 （1810–1872）， and Yano Harumichi 矢野玄道 （1823–1887）—to investigate Japan’s existing system of education. This indicated that the official educational endeavor had shifted from Confucian-centered Chinese learning to the Tennō-centric Kokugaku， which increased the friction between these two schools. Finally in September 1868， the Japanese government set up the imperial Kangakusho （the Chinese Learning Place） and Kogakusho （the Imperial Learning Place）， devoted to Chinese learning and the native Japanese learning respectively， hoping that in doing so the tensions between the two schools could be mediated. Meanwhile， the government emphasized that the Chinese， Japanese， and Western learning were all servants of the Tennō’s absolute rule. In addition， the conventional system of education that was centered on the Confucian study was substantially supplemented with studies of Kokugaku. In December 1869， the Kangakusho and Kogakusho were merged into a single institute， and at the same time emphasis was given to the role that Rangaku could play in national education， thus creating a tripartite arrangement in which Kokugaku， Confucianism， and Rangaku coexisted competitively.
In 1872， the commencement of modern education in the country was marked by the promulgation of the Education System Order [Gakusei]， the first state order concerning the school system. With this law， the Meiji government made an attempt to create an educational system consisting of primary， secondary， and tertiary schools and assorted specialized institutions and correspondingly formulated standards and regulations respecting admission qualifications， periods of schooling， competence for teaching posts， and qualifications for promotion. The government went further， laying a solid foundation for the Meiji-style centralized education system by setting up the supervisory agencies that governed school districts at all levels and directly administered by the Monbushō. The promulgation of the Education System Order made [primary] education open to all children， all of whom now had a chance to study the scientific knowledge. Moreover， it brought about a complete educational system contributing decisively to the full modernization of education in Japan. Nevertheless， it was not easy to put the 1872 order into effect and create a uniform system of education， especially considering the huge politico–cultural differences existing between Japan’s different regions. It is particularly worth mentioning that those who promoted modern education started to pay attention to Western ways of thinking and social customs behind science and technology that were being introduced to Japan. This obviously conflicted with the more influential Confucian culture. For example， Saga Domain， which was renowned for its promotion of technological modernization， became entangled in three-way conflicts involving Confucianism， Kokugaku， and Western culture. At the same time， the Japanese administrative system’s resolve regarding national education wavered to some extent and there began to be worries that the 1872 order’s institutionalization of the educational system might now be too monopolistic. Additionally， the abovementioned ideas of education were too pragmatic and too utilitarian， such that national education might be subordinated entirely to the state’s technocratic interests at the expense of the pursuit of truth. Unlike the utilitarian Education System Order， curriculum-based moral education （shushin） through oral instruction was deeply influenced by Confucian traditions. In September 1873， the Monbushō promulgated the Pedagogical Rules of Primary Education and stipulated what should be taught in elementary schools， including the moral education through oral instruction that marked the commencement of Japan’s modern moral education. Dialogue between teacher and students played quite a significant role in the pedagogical methods of modern Japanese moral education. Obviously， by then the influence of Confucian culture had been rehabilitated， and the subsequent promulgation of the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education [Kyōgaku Seishi] and the Education Order [Kyōikurei] in 1879 made this point more remarkable.
In 1878， the Meiji Emperor went on an inspection tour during which he not only recognized outstanding contributors to the reform but also keenly observed the political situation and the people’s livelihoods in different regions. Then the emperor exchanged ideas with Motoda Nagazane 元田永孚 （1818–1891）， one of his tutors and private consultants， and proposed several points with respect to education. First， he proposed that general education should be based on the grand guidance of the ancestors and dedicated to the illumination of great values such as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality， and that moral education should be centered on the teachings of Confucius and everybody be taught to be honest. Second， schools should teach students state-of-the-art knowledge of various disciplines， make students morally and professionally complete， disseminate the teaching of rectitude nationwide， and ultimately turn the independent spirit of Japanese nation into something morally superior and without reproach throughout the entire world. The following year， Motoda Nagazane proposed the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education and presented it to Itō Hirobumi 伊藤博文 （1841–1909）， the Home Secretary， and Terashima Munenori 寺島宗則 （1832–1893）， senior officer superintending the Monbushō. The Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education consisted of the General Principles of Education [Kyōgaku Taishi] and the Two Provisions for Primary Education [Shogaku Jōmoku Niken]. According to the General Principles of Education， education was to be divided into two parts， namely education in values such as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality， and education in knowledge and skills， among which the former was to be considered fundamental and the latter incidental. It criticized the reversed order of education since the 1872 Education System Order and suggested strengthening the fundamental Confucian moral education. On the other hand， the Two Provisions for Primary Education required that images or photos of loyal officials， righteous persons， filial sons， and chaste women should be hung in all classrooms so that the moral education could be carried out osmotically， as “a fine drizzle moistens things without a sound.” It is evident that Motoda Nagazane started to revive the cultural spirit of traditional Confucianism in education. As far as the practical path to national education was concerned， the interventionist concept requiring schooling of all changed at the promulgation of the 1879 Education Order. It abolished the nationally uniform Pedagogical Rules of Primary Education and reduced the 213 detailed items of the Education System Order to just 47. The provisions of the Education Order were simple and left room for discretion in application. Consequently， the costs of education for the populace were lowered and， most importantly， the common people were given the freedom to choose whether to send their children to school. Inasmuch as the 1879 order created a new system replacing the highly centralized system of school districts， with individual districts and villages now being allowed to run the public elementary schools， independently or collaboratively. As a consequence， the autonomy of elementary schools was substantially increased and in some regions the schools could even freely decide textbooks in the light of local customs and practices. Such liberal notions suited the period’s burgeoning movements for freedom and civil rights. In the meantime， the 1879 order stipulated that traditional moral education through oral instruction be replaced with a modified moral education. But it must be noted that at that time the Meiji government had not yet paid enough attention to moral education， which was much less prominent in the curriculum. Overall， the Education Order did not fulfill its goal. Contrary to what was hoped， in the absence of compulsion a growing number of commoners were actually less enthusiastic about sending their children to schools.
In the face of the abovementioned predicament， the Meiji government decided to return to its interventionist approach to education and promulgated the Revised Order on Education [Kaisei Kyōikurei] in 1880. This was a solution to the unduly low enrollment rate and at the same time it was applied to correct an extremely instrumentalist educational idea that overemphasized personal success and changed the earlier， liberal approach to education. Moreover， it ushered in a system that placed prime emphasis on moral education. In 1881， based on the Revised Order on Education， the Monbushō enacted the Guiding Principles of Primary Education， an act attaching the greatest importance to moral education over other studies.
Increasing Confucian Influence on the Course of
National Education [94]
Confucian influence on Japanese national education grew much stronger from the promulgation of the 1879 Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education to the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education [Kyōiku Chokugo]. The 1879 Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education concerned itself with the danger brought about by Japanese overemphasis on Western knowledge and neglect of social customs and morality， suggesting instead that education be based on such Confucian virtues as benevolence， righteousness， loyalty， and filiality. In other words， this imperial order strongly advocated that moral education be the core of teaching in accordance with Confucian culture. In 1886， Mori Arinori 森有禮 （1847–1889）， Japan’s first Secretary of Education， enacted a series of laws such as the Imperial Order on Universities and Colleges， the Order on Normal Schools， the Order on Secondary Schools， and the Order on Elementary Schools. Mori Arinori developed the kokutai-centric idea that education was not universally dedicated to individuals but exclusively to the state， which required that the feudal loyalty to monarch should play a greater role in school education. Later， the Constitution of the Empire of Japan， promulgated on February 11， 1889， indicated that the Meiji Restoration had been successfully completed and signaled that Japan would thenceforth grow into a despotic country， which meant that national education in Japan would subtly metamorphosize into a tame servant to a despotic imperial Japan. In 1890， the Meiji government convened conferences of local governors in which the content of moral cultivation was discussed in detail and the Monbushō was expected to formulate guiding principles regarding moral education as soon as possible. Grasping this opportunity， the Japanese government quickly promulgated the Imperial Rescript on Education.
At that time Yamagata Aritomo 山縣有朋 （1838–1922）， Prime Minister and Home Secretary， paid great attention to these conferences of local governors and treated the local governors’ requirements not only as an affair for the Monbushō but also as the cabinet. Herein lay the reason that the Imperial Rescript on Education was enacted almost immediately. In addition， the Meiji Emperor himself took these suggestions very seriously and ordered Yoshikawa Akimasa 芳川顕正 （1842–1920）， who was appointed Secretary of Monbushō in May 1890， to prepare the maxims on education. Soon， these education-themed maxims were turned into imperial edicts. In October 1890， the Imperial Rescript on Education went directly to all subjects as an imperial edict. It decisively helped Confucian culture play a key role in the national moral education. Most importantly， the Imperial Rescript on Education unambiguously stressed the subjects’ absolute loyalty and obedience to the Tennō. The Imperial Rescript on Education contained only 315 words in total. It was fully centered on the two Confucian values of loyalty and filiality. Historico-culturally， filiality in Japan at that time was a private virtue applicable to the relationships with parents and brothers and in conformity with Confucian ethics; and loyalty was a public morality serving the state and harmonizing with constitutionalism. The two virtues were easily manipulated and put under control of militaristic nationalism. The Imperial Rescript on Education epitomized the basic features of national morality expected by the Meiji government， which became nothing other than an absolutist national education centered on [the cult of] the Tennō. By then， the debate since the promulgation of the Imperial Edict on General Principles of Education about Europeanization and Confucianization in regard to national education was at an end. The enactment of the Imperial Rescript on Education marked out a leading role for the ultra-conservative royalists in education. It was based on the government’s need for the idea of an omnipotent Shintoistic Japanese state， a [distorted] Confucian love for the country and loyalty to the emperor， and subjects taught to serve the country， conforming to the true conditions of Japan at that time and defining the spirit of modern Japanese education. Precisely for this reason， the Imperial Rescript on Education did not repeat the mistakes of the 1872 Education System Order and the 1879 Education Order but instead laid a spiritual foundation for the growth of the Japanese militarism. It was adhered to as the basic principle of national education until 1945， when the Japanese empire was defeated utterly.
Distortion of Confucian Culture in Japanese National Education [96]
Looking back at the three decades of the Meiji Restoration， we find that Confucian culture as released of a spiritual motive energy exerted crucial influence on the Japanese reforms. Nevertheless， it must be noted that Japan deliberately distorted Confucian culture when applying it to education， in particular melding Confucian culture with the Japanese imperial system and merging it into the Japanese systems of protection–allegiance and kokutai.
Speaking in terms of the advancement of Japan’s modernization， which relied on national education， both Japan’s universal education and specific military education were closely related to the protection–allegiance system and the growth of the Tennō-centric state. The Tokugawa shogunate， having its work based on the samurais’ dichotomic master–servant virtue or the master–servant relationship constituted by; shion （favors given to samurai/servant） and hōkō （services done to master/patron）， created an interpersonal relationship between ruler and the ruled， which was known as the protection–allegiance system. So long as the protection–allegiance chain worked well， servants or inferiors [and their groups] would remain loyal to the masters or superiors [and their groups]. This hierarchy could extend without limit. In other words， there were people inferior to the inferiors and superior to the superiors. The Shogun and hanshu （feudal lord） were at the very top of this social pyramid of protection and allegiance. After the collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate， the Meiji government attempted to extend the conventional protection–allegiance system and remold Shintoism into the spiritual pillar of the Japanese people in the hope that the entire nation would place their faith in the Tennō， who could be placed at the top of the pyramid to create a social cohesion for resisting the West. But in practice， the work of remolding the national faith by means of the Shinto shrine and priests did not go smooth. Precisely for this reason， Japan developed its national education in combination with the Confucian culture and applied it to making the Japanese more loyal. The Tennō， who had had no real power since the Edo Period， was now brought to the stage by reformists. Within the reformist faction， bureaucrats and the military strongmen who decided state politics were the most powerful. Among the leading reformist domains （namely Satsuma， Choshu， Saga， and Tosa）， Satsuma and Choshu took the lead in keeping alive the Tokugawa-style top-down protection–allegiance hierarchy and at the same time they tried their best to have the ruling shoguns replaced by the Tennō.
The pyramid of protection–allegiance continued to exist nationwide even in the wake of the disintegration of the system of shogunate and fiefdoms. Even within the small factions， the system of protection–allegiance kept working. The substitution of modern prefectures for feudal domains in 1871 put an end to the hereditary system regarding the leadership of domains， at which point how to metamorphosize the samurais’ and commoners’ loyalty to the feudal lord became a burning issue. Under such circumstances， the reformists desperately needed a spiritual nucleus to consolidate the whole of Japan and a supreme entity overriding all prestigious groups such as military leaders and prominent bureaucrats， both of which would be unifying a changing Japan very rapidly. On the surface， remolding the Tennō into a spiritual pillar of nationwide social cohesion was not a difficult job. But in fact， the Meiji government was faced with a huge challenge， namely how it could divert people’s allegiance from local feudatories to the Tennō as soon as he was apotheosized. At that time， the Western powers started to invade Japan and as a consequence a trans-feudatory national consciousness began sprouting in the minds of the Japanese people. Most importantly， a Japanese national identity emerged. A growing number of scholars of Kokugaku and Confucian studies recognized the cult of the Tennō. Nevertheless， quite a large number of commoners still cherished the memory of the Tokugawa Era. They regarded the powerless Tennō as the exterior of the protection–allegiance system and someone irrelevant to their everyday lives. In view of this， the Meiji government decided to increase the Tennō’s mystique and authoritativeness by means of Shintoism.
In 1869， the Meiji government set up the Department of Divinities in various administrative organs， hoping that by doing so Shintoism could be remolded into a state religion and all other religions excluded. However， this move contradicted the substitution of modern prefectures for feudal domains and the selection of policies aspiring to reconstruct Japan into a Western-style modern state. In matters of religion， modern Western Europe lavishly praised religious freedom， yet by contrast Japan denounced Christianity as an evil cult， excluded and eliminated Buddhism， and demanded that the Shinto rule of visiting shrines be adopted nationwide. The Meiji government even expected to substitute Shinto priests for Buddhist monks as religious figures for the people. Nevertheless， these were ineffectual efforts. Therefore， the Meiji government decided to metamorphosize the commoners’ allegiance by means of Confucian culture. An example was the 1872 Education System Order， which was based on the system of school districts and universal education and was used to simultaneously teach the Japanese knowledge and cultivate their morality. Moreover， Japan， relying on Confucian ethics， constantly strengthened the role played by small factions and workplaces could play in [moral] restrictions. It should be noted that keeping people within the bounds of discipline， which was based on small factions and ritual ideas， effectively helped Japan to adopt advanced Western technology. As a result， the protection–allegiance system， which had been deeply rooted in small factions since the Edo Period， not only laid the hierarchical foundation for the state religion （i.e.， Shintoism）， in collaboration with the Shinto rule of visiting shrines， but also made well-disciplined actions in workplaces， which constituted the base of Japan’s industrial structure， possible in the Meiji Period. It is true that Shintoism and group consciousness， both of which were based on the Tennō-centric system， made great contribution to the rapid modernization of material production; it is also true that the discrepancy between underdeveloped spiritual modernity and the advancement of material modernization did exist and was， to some extent， relevant to the rise of Japanese militarism. In 1885， Japan abolished the Great Council of State （Daijō-kan） and built a Western European-style organizational structure and prepared for the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan. The Ministry of Education was among the newly-created modern ministries. Secretary of Education Mori Arinori did his best to have the modern Japanese system of education modeled on those of Western Europe and at the same time made the education of the Japanese national polity a pillar of the entire national education system. In fact， the idea of the Japanese national polity had already appeared around the commencement of the Meiji Restoration. Inasmuch as the old Shintoism did not have systematic creeds but sacrificial texts only， the Secretary suggested that the Meiji government create a mixture of Kokugaku， Shintoism， and the Confucian culture and ideologically define Shintoistic national morality， social order， and class structure by means of Confucian cultural methods. With the help of Confucian culture， the social order involving the Tennō， the royal family， and various factions of bureaucrats and even intra-factional relationships would all be rooted in the Five Constant Virtues. Amazingly， such an order actually overrode the Five Cardinal Relationships and brought about an incredible balance between the rigorousness of order and the flexibility of institutions. Of course， considering that human relation outranked institutions in Japan， the country could hardly transform into a modern republic based on a constitution and a constitutional legal system. Nevertheless， as far as education was concerned， Mori Arinori successfully and simultaneously had the national education centered on the Japanese national polity through Confucian culture and achieved a unity of Japanese and Western European education.
From the very founding of the shogunate in the Edo Period， the Tokugawa family， by virtue of the Confucian Five Constant Virtues and Five Cardinal Relationships， operated a relatively stable protection–allegiance system in various small factions existing in families and workplaces. Precisely for this reason， in 1882， the Meiji government promulgated the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors [Gunjin Chokuyu]， by which the pyramidal hierarchy was ideologically justified and rooted in the military. Besides， this rescript， which relied on Confucian cultural concepts， was used to make the Japanese national polity more praiseworthy and remarkable. Soon the Outline for Primary Education， based on the virtues of loyalty， filiality， benevolence， and righteousness， was applied nationwide. One year after the promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan in 1889， the Japanese government enacted the Imperial Rescript on Education， which was precisely an embodiment of Mori Arinori’s ultimate educational goal of maintaining the Japanese national polity. In this regard， some observed， “Each of items mentioned here， taken individually， is absolutely not wrong. Even so， the intellectual thread running through all of them is actually a powerful nationalism， a state-centric melody.” Different from the 1872 Education System Order and the 1879 Education Order， the Imperial Rescript on Education was a great impetus to Japanese militarism. To sum up， the promulgation of the Education System Order， the Education Order， and the Revised Order on Education indicated that the liberal education arising in the wake of the movement for freedom and civil rights had already been replaced with the conventional idea which was centered on reverence of the emperor. To put it another way， Japan strongly held that the adoption of the advanced science and technology of Western Europe must be premised on an adherence to Confucian culture and Kokugaku. Inevitably， the imported Western political philosophy and empiricism were in conflict with traditional Japanese Shintoism. The promulgation of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan meant that Western European political idea was successfully grafted onto the mystique of the Tennō. Japanese schools and families were thus turned into the breeding ground for talents meeting the needs of a militaristic Japan in the wake of the enactment of the Education System Order， the Imperial Rescript on Education， and the Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Japan’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War （1894） exerted significant influence on the mutation of Japanese education. The Japanese rejoiced at the news of victory and held spontaneous celebrations. But in fact， they celebrated the Tennō. Herein lay the difference between the Tennō-centric Japan and the Western European countries. To be specific， the Western soldiers and ordinary people had a general patriotic feeling; whereas the Japanese performed a cult of the Tennō， a holy， supreme commander. In this sense， the awakening， in which the Japanese regarded themselves as the members of a unified country， was still subject to the rule of the Tennō， even though it had gone beyond parochialism. It was none other than the national consciousness embracing Japanese militarism. Even if there was a national awareness， it had to be blended into the consciousness of the Tennō’s subject. Worst of all， it was from this awakening that the unlimited expansion of Japanese militarism in East Asia derived.
Concluding Remarks [99]
The authority of the Tennō was rehabilitated in the Meiji Period. As a result， samurai did not devote their loyalty to Shogun and feudal lord but to the emperor. Historically， the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education played a crucial role in this transformation. It consisted of Confucian ideas of loyalty and filiality and the conventional Japanese idea of respecting the alleged national quintessence. Meiji Japan， relying on Confucian culture， remolded the royal family into a figurehead imagined and worshipped as the head of the entire Japanese family–society， and equated filial piety to one’s parents with the loyalty to the Tennō， so as to have the cult of the Tennō locked deep in national education. At the same time， the Meiji government married the ancient Tennō system with the samurai military regime and created a form of constitutional monarchy with the kokutai sovereign emperor. The Tennō was successfully placed at the very top of the protection–allegiance system.
If we extend the period of time down to the collapse of Japanese empire in 1945， we will see that， from the twilight of the Shogunate， to the Meiji Restoration， and to the fiasco of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere， Confucian culture was severely distorted by the Japanese government， which negatively affected Japanese national education and the overall development of Japan， even though it did play a positive role in the incipient stage of the rise of modern Japan.
Translated by Chi Zhen